QK Archives: Handsome Pukhtun from Karak called Pareshan

Handsome Pukhtun from Karak called Pareshan
pubkisbed 20 April 2009
Pareshan Khattak died 16 April 2009

By Afzal Hussain Bokhari
The last I saw him, Professor Pareshan Khattak gave no signs of ill health. With well-combed jet-black hair, he wore the flamboyant air of a final-year university student. With a bracelet on his right and an expensive watch on left arm, he was in a jogging track suit.
Coming back from an evening stroll, he strayed into the residence of his friend Fazlullah Fazli in Phase-III of Hayatabad where local writers and art-lovers had assembled for the post-sunset monthly session of the literary organisation ‘Takhleeq International’.
Except for osteoarthritis, which was not unusual for a man at 77, he did not seem to carry any other visible physical disorder.
Ignoring the synthetic mat spread on the floor of Fazli’s basement, Pareshan Khattak settled into a soft, comfortable chair.
Turning the chair slightly towards ‘Qibla’ in the direction of Makkah to the west, he raised his arms to touch the lobes of his ears and saying ‘Allah-o-Akbar’ started offering the ‘Maghreb’ (evening) prayer.
The participants waited for Professor Khattak to finish the ‘Namaz-i-Maghreb’. I had not the faintest idea that these were the last glimpses I was having of the lovable Pukhtun intellectual. The sound of ‘Allah-o-Akbar’ that was heard in Fazli’s house was stimulating and inspiring whereas the one heard in the sprawling phase one graveyard saddened the ears on which it fell. Pareshan shocked his friends by breathing his last on April 16.
The red rose-petals that slipped from Pareshan’s shrouded dead body got stuck into the blades of lush green grass. Silently announcing the arrival of the spring, they seemed to mourn the sudden death of a God-fearing man who used to come to this graveyard off and on to mourn the similar deaths of near and dear ones.
Born on December 10, 1932 in village Ghundi Mira Khankhel, district Karak, into the home of Malik Muhammad Hassan, the real name of Pareshan Khattak was Gham-i-Jan. Conscious probably of his physically being a handsome man, he later liked to be called as ‘Pari-shan’ (carrying the resemblance of a fairy).
However, the non-Pukhtun friends, colleagues and acquaintances all through his 77-year-long life randomly confused the name with the Urdu adjective ‘pareshan’ which literally meant ‘the mentally disturbed person’.
The mentally disturbed person though he never was except for the brief spell of life some years back during which he learnt that in an allegedly domestic brawl his daughter reportedly got murdered while being with her otherwise influential parents-in-law.
As an intellectual, Pareshan had many facets to his personality. The holder of Master’s degrees in History and Pushto literature, the common reader, for instance, knew him as a romantic poet, research scholar, translator, manipulative academic, successful administrator and an untiring speaker.
The untiring speaker he certainly was though others of his qualities were overtly or covertly doubted, debated and even challenged by various shrewd critics of varying caliber.
At one time, his admirers turned him into a sitting duck for book launching ceremonies.
He usually spoke in a long-winded manner, blending History with Geography and fact with fiction that depending on the public mood variously pleased or displeased the audience.
The proud author of about 10 publications, Pareshan left behind the book lovers that reached out for their purse when they noticed the first collection of Pareshan’s poetry titled ‘Tarranake’ or the more intriguingly named prose work ‘Pushtun Kaun’.
Although he was generally a friendly person but Mir Mehdi Shah Mehdi and Hamesh Khalil got on well with him.
Amazing as the attitude of the friends and foes was, Pareshan was flattered or flayed by the measure of favours that he showered or withheld when working on key posts.
Apart from being the chairman of the former University Grants Commission, he remained the head of the Academy of Letters, Islamabad and the vice-chancellor first of the Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan and then the Azad Kashmir University, Muzaffarabad.
During the days of General Ziaul Haq, he rubbed shoulders with the high and the mighty of the land.
At one time, he worked as the advisor to the prime minister of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Immediately after that he founded the Al-Khair University in the private sector.
Due to rush for admissions to this university, there was a crisis of management at various levels.
Partly due to the management crisis but chiefly due to the machinations of the professional rivals in the field of education, the Higher Education Commission started receiving complaints against the Al-Khair University with the result that the HEC had to order the closure in some cities of a few of the Al-Khair branches for not having the required facilities.
It is a pity that Pareshan has faded into history with what appears to be indecent haste. One is left with very few people to show to the outer world that can be called the true representatives of the Frontier province.
Farigh Bokhari, Raza Hamadani, Khatir Ghazanavi and Ahmad Faraz were the kind of writers with whom the outside world associated the province.
One feels oddly awkward in bracketing them together but NWFP in general and Pushto literature in particular has been left poorer by the disappearance from the literary landscape of figures like Amir Hamza Khan Shinwari, Ghani Khan, Qalandar Momand and now Pareshan Khattak.
One prays for the health and a long life of men like Ajmal Khattak, Senator Afrasiab Khattak, Saleem Raz, Rehmat Shah Sail and many others who are still around and serving the cause of literature as well as revolution in the manner they think is pragmatic or expedient.
The admirers of Pareshan rightly expect that his sons Dr Javed Khattak, Major Khushal Khattak, Professor Shahbaz Khattak and Behlul Khattak will probably join hands and will piece together the unpublished works of their late father and bring them out in book form.
More humble and down to earth brother of Pareshan’s, Purdil Khan Khattak can help and guide four of his otherwise capable nephews in doing this work.

Frontier Corp Pakistan history

GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
THE FRONTIER CORPS (NWFP) PAKISTAN AND ITS HEADQUARTERS

General Background

1. It is an historical fact that the tribes living in mountainous area West of River Indus had preserved their independence against the forces of many invading forces/rulers. When the Sikh Empire collapsed and Punjab was annexed by British on 29 Jan 1849, the areas comprising the present North West Frontier Province, also came under their way. It was a difficult task to subjugate the tribes even by the active help/Support of the British. However, within another fifty years, many expeditions were sent against them and some sort of hold was established. The misadventure in Afghanistan by the British in the Second Afghan War of 1878-80 led to the demarcation of the Durand Line. According to the agreement signed in November 1893, the Afghan government renounced “all claims to suzerainty over the Frontier tribes from Chitral to Persian Border residing on the Indian side of the demarcated Durand Line”.

2. The demarcation of Durand Line increased the responsibilities of the British. By that time, they had already established Khyber Agency in 1878, Kurram Agency in 1892 and the Malakand, North and South Waziristan Agencies were established in 1895-96. These administrative agencies in the area had their own units of Militia and Scouts, namely, the Khyber Rifles (1878), Zhob Militia (1883) the Kurram Militia (1892), Tochi Scouts (1894), Chagai Militia (1896). South Waziristan Scouts (1900) and Chitral Scouts (1903). Various Frontier Corps Force (PIFFERS) units of the Frontier Army force also remained stationed at Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera Ismail Khan, Bannu, Kohat, Mardan etc in support of the Scouts.

The Creation of the Frontier Corps Headquarters

3. The arrival in India of Lord Curzon as Viceroy and Governor General in 1899 brought at a change in the policy about the border tribes. He entrusted the job of the PIFFERS to the Scouts and Militia Units. According to a unique tradition, the PIFFER Units and Scouts, used to accept LRC (Last Ration Certificate) of each others personnel despite different accounting systems. These units had been raised in different areas and organised according to local requirements. With the new role, an organisation for coordination was felt necessary. As such a separate Headquarters was created in 1907. The new organisation that was called the Frontier Corps initially comprised the above-mentioned seven units. An inspecting officer with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel/Colonel was appointed as head of the Frontier Corps. His job was to coordinate the activities of the Militia and Scouts and also to re-organise these units in the light of new responsibilities. The offices of the Inspecting officers and IGFC’s used to be in a building near the present Provincial Assembly Hall. These were later shifted to Bala Hisar Fort in 1949. The first Inspecting Officer was Colonel W.C Barrett, DSO.

Expansion of The Frontier Corps

4. In 1943, the designation of Inspecting Officer Frontier Corps, was changed to the Inspector General and Secretary, Frontier Corps (NWFP), with the rank of a Brigadier whose jurisdiction stretched from Skardu in Northern Area to NWFP, Baluchistan and down to sea coast of Mekran. By then, the First Mahsud Scouts, raised in 1937, had also been included in the Frontier Corps. In later years, the Second Mahsud Scouts (1944), the Pishin Scouts (1946), the Thall Scouts (1948), the Northern Scouts (1949), the Bajaur Scouts (1961), the Karakoram Scouts (1964), the Kalat Scouts (1965) and Dir Scouts (1970) were also added. The Kohistan Scouts, were raised on 31st December 1977 at Fort Milward by Major Abdul Qadir Khan but disbanded in 1981. When as a result of one-unit, the province of West Pakistan, was created in 1955, the word “Secretary” was dropped.

Bifurcation into FC (NWFP) and FC (Baluchistan)

5. By 1947 the Frontier Corps had further increased in strength and had become a very big force looking after the area from the Karakoram in the North to the Mekran Coast in the South. The area of responsibility was well over 2500 miles in length. It was, therefore, decided to bifurcate the Frontier Corps. The units stationed in Northern Areas Skardu/Gilgit directly came under the Army, and Baluchistan province came under Frontier Corps (Baluchistan) with Headquarters at Quetta and headed by its IGFC. These units included Zhob Militia, Sibi Scouts, Kalat Scouts, Mekran Militia, Kharan Rifles, Pishin Scouts, Chaghai Militia and First Mahsud Scouts which were re-named as Maiwand Rifles, Ghazaband Scouts, Bhambore Rifles, Kharan Rifles and Loralai Scouts were also raised later on. Mekran Militia which had ceased to exist in early sixties was also re-raised. The units serving in the North West Frontier Province came under Frontier Corps (NWFP) with Headquarters at Peshawar. Second Mahsud Scouts became Mahsud Scouts. Mohmand Rifles and Shawal Rifles were raised later on. The following Pakistani IGFC’s have commanded so far: -

Brig Ahmad Jan, M,B.E 1950-51
Brig K.A Rahim Khan 1951-53
Brig Bakhtiar Rana, M,C, 1953-55
Brig Sadiq Ullah Khan, M.C 1955-58
Brig Rahman GuI, S.Q.A, S,K, MC 1958-63
Brig Sadiq Ullah Khan, MC 1963-64
Brig Bahadur Sher, MC 1964-66
Brig Mahboob Khan, TQA 1966-69
Brig Mahmud Jan, SQA 1969-71
Maj. Gen. Sherin Dil Khan Niazi 1971-72
Brig Iftikhar-I-Bashir 1972
Brig Nasir Ullah Khan Babar, SJ&Bar 1972-74
S.Bt
Brig Ghulam Rabbani Khan, HI (M), S.Bt 1974-78
Maj. Gen. Agha Zulfiqar Ali Khan, HI(M) 1978-81
Maj. Gen. Mian Muhammad Afzaal, HI(M), 1982-84
S.Bt
Maj. Gen. M, Arif Bangash, S.Bt 1984-86
Maj. Gen. Mohammad Shafiq, HI(M), S.Bt 1986-88
Maj. Gen. Ghazi ud Din Rana, S.Bt 1988-90
Maj. Gen. Humayun Khan Bangash, T.Bt 1990-91
Maj. Gen. Muhammad Naeem Akbar Khan 1991-92
Maj. Gen. Mumtaz GuI, T.Bt 1992-94
Maj. Gen. Fazal Ghafoor, S.Bt 1994-97
Maj. Gen. Sultan Habib, HI(M) 1997 to date

6. It is worth mentioning that Brigadier Sadiq Ullah Khan, MC had the distinction of serving twice, as IGFC from 1955 to 1958 and 1963 to 1964. Similarly Brigadier (Now Lt. Gen. Retd) Bakhtiar Rana (1953-55) and Major General Ghazi ud Rana (1988-90) were the only father and son to have remained IGFC’s of the Frontier Corps.

THE MAJESTIC BALAHISAR FORT

7. Bala Hisar is one of the most historic places of Peshawar. The words are Persian, meaning, “elevated or high fort”. According to Dr. Hussain Khan, the name was given by the Afghan King Taimur Shah Durrani (1773-1793). The Sikhs named it Samir Garh in 1834 but the name did not become popular. The fort stands on a high mound in the northwestern corner of Peshawar City. No long ago the fort used to be conspicuously away from the old city of Peshawar but now the construction of new buildings has covered space between the old city and the fort. However the fort being high, gives a commanding and panoramic view of Peshawar and the entire Peshawar valley. On a clear day, one can see the mountains encircling Peshawar valley and beyond. The area covered by the inner wall of the fort is about 10 acres and the outer wall is about 15 acres. The height of the fort is about 90 feet above ground level.

THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF BALAHISAR

8. It is surprising to note that no one is clear about the origin of the fort and many believe that the fort was built by the Mughals. This wrong concept about the origin of this fort has adopted because of the fact that only the Mughals maintained diaries and mentioned about it. Babar, who was very meticulous, never said that he built Bala Hisar. In actual fact the fort is as old as the city itself. It will be seen that the main entrance of the fort directly faces the ancient Route to India [Peshawar­ Charsadda (Pushkalavati) route]. The same route is further extended to the historic city of Shahbaz Garhi (Po-lo-Sha or Varshapura) and onwards to Hund (Udabhandpura). This shows that fort must be at least about 2000 to 2500 years old and must have been the residence of the city chief of those days.

9. Renowned historian Dr. AH.H. Dani in his book “Peshawar— Historic City of Frontier”, writes that when Hiuen Tsang visited Peshawar (630 AD), he speaks of a ‘royal residence’. He says that Chinese word ‘Kung Shing’ use for it is significant and is explained as fortified or walled portion of the town in which the royal palace stood. Hiuen Tsang then makes a separate mention of the city which was not fortified. This shows that the royal residence formed the nucleus of a Citadal, which must have been further protected by a moat. Dr. Dani further says that channel of old Bara river surrounded a high spot which includes the Bala Hisar and Andar Shahr. The higher area could have been Citadel which is the present Bala Hisar.

FORT UNDER THE GHAZNAVIDS

10. Peshawar has always remained a strategic city and its capture was of great importance for the invaders. When Subuktagin captured Peshawar in 988 AD he garrisoned 10,000 horses there. Due to the concept of having a citadel dominating the city nearby, it is easy to infer that Subuktagin’s garrison must have been in the Bala Hisar Fort, by whichever name it existed then. Mahmud of Ghazni had defeated Hindu Rajas Jaipal and Anandpal in 100 AD and 1006 AD respectively near Peshawar. The Raja’s forces must have sought strength and protection from the citadel of Peshawar, which was also protected by the surrounding channel of Bara River. Seeing the importance of the city, Mohammad Ghori also took Peshawar in 1179 AD.

THE FORT UNDER THE MUGHALS

BABAR VISITS BAGRAM

The great founder Mughal Emperor, Zahir ud Din Babar has frequently mentioned about the fort of Bala Hisar in his memories. He talks of this dismounting near Bigrarn (or Begrarn, old Peshawar) and then going out for hunting. He had also visited the great ‘tree’ the Pipal Mandi area, which Hiuen Tsang had seen, having four sitting figures of Budha under-neath. Babar left the fort in the charge of Shah Mir Hussain before his onward march into India.

THE FORT AND EMPEROR HUMAYUN

11. When Mughal Emperor Humayun was overthrown by the great Afghan King Sher Shah Suri, the Afghan destroyed Fort Bala Hisar also. While going to Kabul, Humayun however stayed at Peshawar and rebuilt Bala Hisar. Record of this event by Abul Fazal is quoted by Major Naimat in his article on Bala Hisar.

“After the overthrow of Emperor Humayun, by Sher Shah Suri, Afghans destroyed the fort of Begrarn (Peshawar). When Humayun was staying in the fort, he decided to rebuild it and garrison it and then proceed to Kabul. He wanted to use the fort for his conquest of India at a later stage. After returning from Persia he made use of the fort”.

THE GLORIOUS PERIOD OF THE DURRANIS

DURRANI ROYAL RESIDENCE

12. Ahmad Shah Durrani captured the fort from Mughals and made it a residential palace.

13. Taimur Shah Durrani, the son of Ahmad Shah Durrani had made Peshawar, his winter capital. While at Peshawar, his royal residence used to be in Bala Hisar Fort. However no building/structure of his days exists in the present fort. Taimur Shah kept a bodyguard of “Gholami Shahis” consisting of Persians and Tajiks for protection. In 1779, when a Khalil Chief Faizullah Khan forced his entry into Bala Hisar, the King was saved by the same bodyguards.

BALA HISAR UNDER THE SIKHS

14. After the death of Taimur Shah Durrani in 1793, AD Shah Zaman became the King. However the Durrani rule weakened and the Sikhs rose to power in the Punjab. After the battle of Nowshehra, the Sikhs captured Peshawar including Bala Hisar in 1834. At the time the fort was in a bad shape. Some accounts however indicate that the Sikhs first destroyed Bala Hisar but later realized its importance for protection and had to rebuild it. Either Hari Singh Nalwa or Sardar Khurruck Singh are said to have rebuilt the fort. However according to Raverty, Sher Singh, on the orders of his father Ranjeet Singh, erected the fort with unburnt bricks. Sardar Tej Singh and General Evitable (1838-42) also stayed in Bala Hisar as Governors. While entering the main courtyard of the fort, a Sikh period inscription in marble can be seen on an arch gate. This is the only mark/inscription available today in Bala Hisar.

BALA HISAR UNDER THE BRITISH

1 5. After the downfall of the Sikhs, Punjab was annexed by the British in 1849 and naturally Peshawar valley also became part of British India. At that time Bala Hisar had mud walls and was not very strong. The British replaced the whole structure with bricks and the present shape was given to Bala Hisar. Almost all the barracks that exist today were made by the British.

16. The British used to keep the troops in Bala Hisar till the cantonment was laid out. When the Afridi tribesmen launched an attack on the city in 1930, they fired guns from Balahisar Fort to stop Tribes men from entering the city.

MUSEUM

17. A small museum has also been opened inside the fort which displays the weapons, dresses and other historical photographs etc related to the Frontier Corps.

KHYBER RIFLES

18. The Khyber Rifles is one of the oldest historic units of Militia of Frontier Corps NWFP. Khyber Rifles originally known as Khyber Jezailchis, were raised in Nov. 1878 by Captain Gais Ford. It was a sort of semi Khassadars Force carrying their own rifle (Jezail). This force was to prevent the tribes molesting the line of control of the Second Afghan War expeditionary force (1878). Captain Gais Ford commanded Khyber Rifles upto 1881 when he handed over command to Sardar Mohammad Aslam Khan (First Muslim Commandant). Sardar Mohammad Aslam Khan, who later became Lt. Col. Nawab Sir Mohammad Aslam Khan, commanded the Corps from 1881 to 1897. He has seen the longest period of command i.e. 16 years. Upto 1887 the Khyber Jezailchis served only in Khyber Agency. In that year they were redesignated as the Khyber Rifles and their role changed from serving within the Khyber Agency to serving anywhere required. This major change in the conditions of their service enabled the personnel of the Khyber Rifles to distinguish themselves in various expeditions and operations in which the troops took part.

19. In the troublesome period of World War II, the British Government appreciating the fighting qualities of the Frontier tribes, realised that they could not achieve their aims without the support of important tribes whose recruitment had been stopped in 1921 due to their hostile actions. As a consequence, in addition to some other tribal battalions, the first Afridi Battalion was raised in 1942. This Battalion, served in Iraq, Iran and Syria upto 1946. In appreciation for the helpful response in successfully raising the first Afridi Battalion and gallant actions of the Battalion during the War, it was decided to re-raise the Khyber Rifles.

THE HISTORIC KHYBER PASS

20. Khyber Pass is one of the most important and famous passes in the World, located in the Khyber Agency.

21. This pass, connects Central Asia with the South Asian Sub Continent. This, 42 kilometers long pass starts from the foot of the hills near Jamrud and ends at Torkham on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Being the shortest route to the South Asian Sub Continent, most of the races and invading armies marched through this pass. When the British invaded Afghanistan, they sent their forces along the same pass.

22. Khyber is a Hebrew name of a fort. It was in the battle of Khyber near Madinia Munawwarah, where Hazrat Ali (RA) showed great chivalry and that is why, Khyber was founded in the present Khyber Pass by the Pathans, on settlement in 8th century A.D. Similarly, Ali Masjid was founded in the memory of Hazrat Ali (RA).

23. Khyber Pass has very rich history, Buddhism spread through this pass to Afghanistan and the stupas at Ali Masjid and Sphola bear witness to it. Many a battles were fought here by the Afghans against the invading armies. Amir Taimur built a prison in the pass, which is visible from Michi Post. Akbar the Great built a fortress at Kafirkot, near Charbagh. The Mughal Army of Aurangzeb was massacred near Landikotal in 1672 AD. The Sikhs built a strong fort at Jamrud where General Hari Singh Nalwa was killed in 1837.

24. The British, however, not only built many of the present forts and picquets but also constructed the world famous Khyber Railway which was opened in 1925. It has 34 tunnels and 92 culverts. A famous battle between the British and the Afghans was fought at Ali Masjid in 1878. The famous Khyber Rifles of the Frontier Corps, today act as the “Guardians of the Khyber Pass, with there headquarters and beautiful mess at Landikotal”.

KURRAM MILITIA

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

25. The conquest of Punjab was completed by the British in 1849, but with in the British also acquired the perpetual and insolvable problem of North West Frontier. The high mountains of the area were an effective barrier against invasion, provided the passes were held. The rugged and mountainous nature of terrain made the administration of the area is very difficult, and the freedom loving characteristics of the tribal people of the area made government by foreigners almost impossible. By tradition, in some cases, they were predators through economic necessity and as fanatics they fiercely resisted only rule by the Sikhs or Christians. It was also difficult to make them hold to any agreement, because they would not acknowledge a master. After the annexation of Punjab, the British found the tribesmen on obstacle to the effective management of the vulnerable border with Afghanistan and ultimately Russian. Initially the British followed the “Closed Door Policy”, but by the end of the nineteenth century they switched to “Forward Policy” i.e. of occupying and administering the country right upto the “Durand Line”, the international boundary agreed upon and demarcated with Afghanistan in 1893. This policy was adopted once the British failed to conquer and subjugate the Pathans. To this end a new province by the name of North West Frontier was created to help in the administration of the area. They also found a novel way of solving the problem, and that was to recruit the locals in the Frontier Brigade of the Indian Army. Later on the British raised the Frontier Scouts and assigned the responsibility of security of the region.

RAISING OF THE KURRAM MILITIA

26. Traditionally Afghanistan claimed suzerainty over the Kurram Valley, but apart from an occasional revenue extorting expeditions, they were unable to enforce their writ until the mid nineteenth century, when they occupied the valley with a military force and established their own Afghan Governor. They were finally driven out in the Second Afghan War 1878-80.

27. The Turis tribe in Kurram Agency, except for their initial troubles in the year 1850-55, always enjoyed cordial relations with the British. They had helped them against Kabul Khel Wazirs in 1859 and against the Zaimukht Tribe in 1879. It was neither the policy of the British government to annex the Kurram Valley nor did they want to get physically involved in the area. However, what the British wanted was to inculcate a spirit of self-reliance, self-protection and self-governance by the Turis themselves. However when the Turis took over the country, due to intense hatred between various factions of the area, complete anarchy resulted, Kurram was occupied by Chikai, the famous Zaimukht leader, and the Turis of Upper Kurram had great difficulty in repulsing the attacks of their Sunni neighbours. Finally as the various tribes of the area would not combine amongst themselves, they came, at their own request under the protection of the British government in the year 1892. In September of that year regular Army troops arrived in the valley and Mr. Merk, I.C.S was appointed as its first British Governor. However, it was soon realised that maintaining regular Army to guard such a far-flung Frontier, bordering on hostile and troublesome tribes was a very expensive affair. A new policy was therefore chalked out. The Turis themselves were to be made custodians of the Frontier. The regular Army was to be replaced by the local Turis Militia, as a well trained and lightly equipped infantry force, fully acquainted with local conditions and amply conversant with the country side. The formation of Turis Militia was initiated under Captain C.M. Dallas on 18 Oct. 1892, with a view to avoid the serious commitment of regular Army units for the protection of borders as well as to provide protection to Turis Shia Community in the valley. The raising of Turi Militia was later on completed by Captain E.W.S.K Maconchey of the 4th Punjab Infantry. The headquarters of the Militia was originally located at Balish Khel about 30 kilometers east of Parachinar but was soon shifted to Parachinar itself. Initially in 1899 an experiment was made of dividing the Militia into two separate battalions under separate commandants. The first battalion with a strength of 957 was to be mobile force for defence against foreign aggression, while the second was for garrisoning the valley. However, when this arrangement proved impracticable, the two battalions were amalgamated under one commandant in 1902. About this time the Turi Militia was renamed as Kurram Militia.

TOCHI SCOUTS

General

28. When, in 1849 British completed their conquest of the Sikhs, they acquired not only the Punjab, but also its problems, most notably the ungovernable North-West Frontier. The Frontier tribesmen, the Pathans, though loyal to their family and friends, were well known for their savagery in battle and their fierce independence. Their rebelliousness was the obstacle to the effective management of the vulnerable border with Afghanistan and ultimately, Czarist Russia.

29. ,The British solution to the problem was ingenious. They could not conquer the Pathans, so they recruited them instead. The tribesmen offered the benefits of joining the government service, became the Frontier Scouts, responsible for the security of the region. “The poachers became same keepers” as the Charles Chenevix Trench says in his book The Frontier Scouts”. The Tochi Scouts were also the ultimate result of the same background in North Waziristan Agency.

History and Raising

30. Upto 1904 regular troops occupied the out-posts in Tochi valley with a view to replace the regular troops, the North Waziristan Militia was raised on 1st June 1900 at Idak by Captain A. Fergusson Davie of 53 Sikhs (FF-Now 5 FF). At the time of raising the North Waziristan Militia consisted of 50 Mounted foot infantry and 800 Infantry. In 1901 the strength was increased to 70 Mounted Infantry and 1000 Infantry. The Headquarters of the Corps was transferred to Miranshah in October 1904. In October 1912 the strength of the Corps was increased to 150 Mounted. Croixde Guerre Darim Khan lived to become one of Frontier’s most famous characters.

The Faqir of Ipi (RA)

31. The name of Faqir of Ipi was Mirza Ali Khan. His followers used to call him ‘Haji Sahib’. Ipi is a village, from where Faqir of Ipi started Jehad against British government. Village lpi is located near Mirali Camp in North Waziristan Agency. He was born in 1897 in Shankai Kairta, which is located near Khajuri Post in North Waziristan Agency. He belonged to Haibati Madi Kheil, which is one of the sub tribes of Tori Khel Wazirs. His father was a religious man, named Arsala Khan. Faqir of Ipi was basically peaceful, religious preacher. He performed his first Hajj in 1928. He got married with the daughter of Qazi Hayat Ud Din, famous by the name of “Sheerzad”. He migrated from Bannu to Afghanistan during Khilafat movement. On arrival from Afghanistan back to his village, he adopted complete religious life. Being religious minded, he became popular among the Wazirs and all other tribes in the surroundings. He neither joined any political party, nor participated in any kind of political movement. Physically, he was slim with short height. He spent maximum time in the caves, busy in his prayers. In old age he became the patient of asthma.

32. Faqir of Ipi died at night on April 16, 1960. During his last days, he became so sick that it was not possible for him to walk for a few steps. People from far away used to come to him. His Namaz-I-Janaza was held at Gurwaikht led by Maulavi Pir Rehman. Thousands of people from different places came for his Namaz-I-Janaza. He was buried at Gurwaikht. In September 1922, the strength was decreased to 100 Mounted Infantry and 887 infantry and was given the name Tochi Scouts. Later on further increases/decreases in strength have been made in the establishment of this Corps in accordance with the exigencies of service.

33. Eversince the raising of this Corps is has remained on active service: always on its toes. Its long bloody and chequered history is the history of North Waziristan Agericy. It requires piles of books to be written if one has to do justice to the glorious services. It has rendered in North Waziristan Agency in particular and to the Frontier Corps in general.

Award of Victoria Cross

34. On 7 January 1915 Captain Eustace Jotham of North Waziristan Militia and 12 Mounted Infantry rode out of Miranshah to locate raiders from Khost, in Afghanistan. Captain Jotham was a romantic officer, who while on leave, won newspaper fame by rescuing passengers from a blazing railway carriage and now he was furious at being stuck in mud-hut in Waziristan. At Spina Khaisora, fifteen miles west of Miranshah, he along with his small patrol were ambushed in a deep nullah and almost surrounded by some 1500 tribesmen. Jotham and his men galloped for safety, but just as he was getting clear, the horse of one of his sawers was shot down. He turned back to rescue him using sword, and killed many tribesmen before he was shot dead riddled with the bullets and bleeding with dozens of slashes. Almost at the same time his daffadar a Wazir named Darim Khan dismounted to give covering fire to the remainder of the patrol and remounted and got away safely. Jotham was awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross. Darim Khan received the Indian Order of Merit.

SOUTH WAZIRISTAN SCOUTS

35. In 1878 an irregular Corps had been raised from local tribesmen i.e. Afridi in Khyber to protect traffic moving through the Khyber Pass, picquetting the hills on either side, protecting the route between the Afghan Frontier and Jamrud at the Eastern end of the pass. The Khyber Rifles (old Khyber Jezailchis) through practical experience, were reckoned on all accounts, to be a success, and if Afridis could be made into a useful local militia, surely this could be done elsewhere too.

36. To the Britishers the core of the Frontier problem was Waziristan and in particular its two largest tribes the Mahsuds of South Waziristan and Wazirs of the North Waziristan. The Political Agent of North Waziristan from his Headquarters in Bannu and the Political Agent of South Waziristan from the Headquarters in Tank, employed local levies who were quite useless but retained on the pay with the hope that they could thereby be kept out of mischief.

37. Wazirs and Mahsuds are related but were seldom on good terms. Both tribes were very difficult to handle. It was against this background that the North Waziristan Militia and South Waziristan Militia were formed in 1900. Each Corps consisted initially of 850 men, soon increased to 1850, half trans-­Frontier, half cis-Frontier divided into two wings of approximately battalion strength each, and 150 mounted infantry (MI). They were armed with Martini rifles. Each Corps had six British Officers, two in each wing, the Commandant and the Adjutant/Quartermaster who also commanded the MI.

38. The South Waziristan Militia with Headquarters at Wana had to protect two routes form Murtaza to Wana. The nearest military garrison was in Jandola. First Commandant of the South Waziristan Militia was Lt. Col. R.H. Harman D.S.O who took over as the Commandant on first 1st July 1900 and continued commanding it till he was stabbed to death by a Shabi Khel Mahsud Sepoy Shabir Khan in January 1905.

39. For quite some time South Waziristan Militia kept supporting the regular army in its operations in the Agency from its Headquarters at Khargai. In March 1923 their Headquarters were shifted to Jandola.

40. In 1921 South Waziristan Militia was replaced by South Waziristan Scouts. For which additional manpower was made available from Mohmand Militia which had been disbanded in December 1921.

41. In 1924, the Corps was reorganised into wing. The primary responsibility of the Scouts was to occupy such dominating features all along the Lines of Communications and those nodal points which, if occupied by hostile tribes, would hinder regular army's movement in the Agency. Slowly and gradually the Scouts succeeded in establishing their authority along almost all the roads in the Agency. By 1937 complete Agency was under the effective control of the British.

Visit of Lawrence of Arabia

42. The Jandola Mess acquired a reputation for hospitality and served numerous guests. Among the earliest in 1924, were a party of VIPs including Arlfred Mond, Chairman of ICI and Lord Incheape, Chairman of the P and o Line, touring India, during the cold weather.

43. Another early visitor to Jandola was, Lawrence of Arabia. He visited the area in 1928 in the guise of an Aircraftsmans Show; benighted there by a broken down truck and accommodated in Officer’s Mess. He kept them enthralled by tales (some, perhaps, almost true) of far Arabia and left them a volume which is still treasured by the South Waziristan Scouts officers. “This book, he inscribed on the flyleaf (see photograph), was written by me, but its sordid type and squalid blocks are the responsibility of the publisher. It is, however, the last copy in print of Revolt in the Desert, and I have much pleasure in presenting it to the officers of the South Waziristan Scouts in memory of a very interesting day and night with them”. This book today is lying in the South Waziristan Scouts Officer’s Mess, Wana.

CHITRAL SCOUTS

44. On occupation of Chitral by the British in 1895 an Infantry Battalion with two guns garrisoned the district. The force considered inadequate for the area which was still in the grip of uncertainty owing to the developments between 1892-1895 in which three Mehtars (Princes) were assassinated by their own brothers in a bid to get the throne. It was also felt that in an emergency it would become very difficult to get timely re-enforcement from Gilgit or down country. Therefore, the use of local resources was considered essential. On recommendation of Captain A.H. Macamahon, GSI, CIE, Political Agent Dir, Swat and Chitral, a local Corps was raised in 1903 and named as Chitral State Scouts. Captain Orrady was the first Commandant of the Corps. When the Army moved out of Chitral in 1942 the Corps was re-designated as Chitral Scouts and with new designation come under the control of Frontier Corps.

The Third Afghan War

45. During the third Afghan War of 1919, the whole force was mobilised for active service against the Afghans on the Arandu-Birkot front. They compelled the Afghans to retreat from Chitral border which they had captured prior to the arrival of the force in the area. They also captured Birkot and brought back as a booty considerable arms and ammunition including two Russian guns of 2.75” calibres. These guns are at present placed in the Quarter Guard of Chitral Scouts. The following honours and awards were earned by the Corps in this battle.

Mission Hospital: Tomb, Military Headquarter, Hospital & Chapel

Text and photos
by
Dr Ali Jan
Located inside the compound of the Mission Hospital stands a most unique historical monument of Peshawar dating back to Mughal times. The dome shaped structure is thought to be the garden tomb of Nawab Sayid Khan, the Mughal governor during Emperor Shah Jehan’s rule who died in year 1651 AD. He had built a garden at Dabgari in his lifetime, according to some accounts. The tomb stands in the centre of the same garden.
Side view of the Dome
Renowned archaeologist, professor emeritus Ahmed Hasan Dani, in his book Peshawar Historic City of the Frontier provides the following description of the dome: “The tomb of Sayid Khan…stands in the middle of a quadrangle, enclosed by a wall with corner turrets. The space within the walled enclosure must have turned into a charbagh garden with fountains in the middle. The tomb proper stands on a raised terrace, as was the practice at this time. It is an octagonal building with four higharched entrances on four sides and the corner sides, which are smaller in length, have deep alcoves in two storeys. In the thickness of the wall, which is 14 feet wide, there were originally two stair-cases that led up to the roof but these have now been closed. The plaster of the outer face of the wall has vanished, though arched and square panels still relieve the bare face. The parapet with its merlons has long changed its character. The double dome is raised on a high-shouldered octagonal drum. But the interior has been completely modified to suit originally the need of General Sir Harry Lumsden, the founder of the Corps of Guides, who lived here for some time.”
Rare photo inside near entrance
Sir Harry Burnett Lumsden was born in 1821. He had served as interpreter and quartermaster in the British army in its campaigns in Afghanistan in 1842. He was appointed assistant political agent to Sir Henry Lawrence for the north-western provinces of India and took part in many operations against the hill-tribes along the Afghan border. As a young subaltern of only 25 years Lt. Lumsden was directed by Sir Henry Lawrence to raise the Corps of Guides at Peshawar. It was to be an irregular force, initially comprising one troop of cavalry and two companies of infantry, whose purpose was to serve as “guides” for the British army. It was the most famous of the Indian Army regiments during the period of British rule. The Corps of Guides from which other ramifications such as the Frontier Force or ‘Piffers’ etc have emerged, had a “reputation for bravery and efficiency that was the envy of all the other units.” (The Story of the Guides by Col. G.J. Younghusband, C.B.)
Corps of Guides HQ Peshawar tablet
Lumsden chose the tomb of Nawab Sayid Khan as Guides Headquarter and personal accommodation for himself. An inscription on a marble tablet inside the dome reads: “THIS TABLET WAS ERECTED BY THE OFFICERS OF THE QUEEN VICTORIA’S OWN CORPS OF GUIDES TO COMMEMORATE THE FACT THAT THE CORPS WAS RAISED ON THE 14TH DECEMBER 1846 AT PESHAWAR BY LIEUT. H.B LUMSDEN WHO USED THIS BURJ AS HIS HEADQUARTERS BOTH IN HIS MILITARY AND CIVIL CAPACITY DURING THE YEARS 1849-1851.”
QVO Corps of Guides insignia and logo
Today no traces of the governor’s grave can be found. Moreover, it is difficult to verify the history of the dome during the previous Sikh rule in Peshawar and it is quite probable that the original grave was somehow removed during that era. However, this tomb-turned-military headquarter became the focus of a good deal of activity as the newly formed Guides distinguished themselves in 16 engagements in the span of only five years during 1847-1852.
Peshawar became the birthplace of the Khaki (from the local word "khak" meaning dust) and Lumsden is accredited for introducing this shade of uniform worn by the armies around the world. Lumsden bought all the white cotton he could find in Peshawar and “had it taken to the river where it was soaked and impregnated with mud.” The Guides had originally chosen this colour for their uniform and rest of the British army followed suit and abandoned the traditional scarlet (red) of their uniforms, which was too conspicuous and unsuited to the frontier warfare and adopted Khaki as the fighting dress of the Empire.
Main entrance to the dome
pioneer missonaries to peshawar and afghan
With the passge of time, the Guides shifted their base to Mardan and the military headquarter at Peshawar eventually became a place for Divine worship. On 19 December, 1853 a meeting was arranged under Commissioner of Peshawar Sir Herbert Edwardes to discuss a Christian Mission to Peshawar. It was the Day of the Races, and somebody suggested that the meeting should be deferred on this account. "Put off the work of God for a steeple-chase!" exclaimed the Commissioner. "Never!" and so a small group met in the presence of Rev. Worthington Jukes and established the Peshawar Mission. The Church Missionary Society (CMS) was approached for assistance and the first missionaries sent to Peshawar were the Rev. C. G. Pfander and the Rev. Robert Clark who reached here in January, 1855.
The CMS Afghan Medical Mission started in 1896-97 when two brothers Dr Arthur Lankester and Dr Cecil Lankester - forty-first in the line of missionaries sent to Peshawar - founded a hospital in a camel caravanserai in the walled city. The missionary hospital proved so popular that within few years it was necessary to move to new, larger premises outside the old city gates, inside the Dabgari gardens – the present site of the Mission Hospital Peshawar founded in 1904.

A visit to this beautiful heritage monument is a splendid evocation of Peshawar’s glorious past. An original rare photograph of Sir Harry Lumsden hangs at the entrance. Old Victorian photos and names of the aforementioned pioneer missionaries and many others who followed them subsequently adorn the walls of the Mughal dome. Interestingly, the site serves as a chapel today, which was established in 1926. The interior consists of two levels and the congregation is held upstairs. Until 1977, the interior was mostly wooden, but an electrical fire that year destroyed it completely

QK Archives: At home in prison

At home in prison
Published The News on Sunday circa 2006

What could be a bigger relief for a prisoner than to get united with his family for three uninterrupted days, within the jail premises?

By Javed Aziz Khan

The MMA government, in light of the recommendations of Nifaz-e-Sharia Council, has announced a package to facilitate prisoners to have some time together with their families, thrice every year.

The decision by the NWFP government, which has been praised by the liberal circles and human rights bodies, aims to construct 20 residential barracks in four major prisons -- Peshawar, Haripur, Dera Ismail Khan and Bannu -- ensuring privacy and providing all kind of facilities that a family may need in a home. It was supposed to materialise months ago, as the announcement had come in late 2004, but the construction of separate family quarters took a long time. The PC-1 of the project for Peshawar central prison was approved a few days back under which five rooms, with attached bathroom and kitchen and a few yards in the name of a courtyard, would be constructed close to the main entrance.

Though the introduction of the package would be on an experimental basis for a certain time of period and extended to the rest of the 18 prisons of the province in case of success, many believe it would provide real relief to prisoners. It was the Nifaz-e-Sharia Council that recommended allowing a prisoner to accompany his family after every four months, the maximum period fixed by the second Muslim Caliph, Hazrat Umar Farooq (RA), for keeping a soldier away from home in connection with wars or other journeys.

Of the 2359 prisoners in Peshawar central prison, those who are imprisoned for less than five years or convicted for involvement in anti-state activities or terrorism are not entitled to bring their families. The rest would have to take permission from the District Coordination Officer as well as certain other quarters for bringing their spouses and children. A family would be allowed to stay inside the jail for three days after every four months. If one has two wives, he would be given two each days with every spouse as per the prescribed rules.

Female prisoners in various prisons, who have started protesting against the discrimination, are not entitled to bring their families at the introductory phase of the project. The NWFP government, however, is planning to give them the opportunity when the package is introduced in letter and spirit. Around 340 women are going through their imprisonment in NWFP jails among whom only 95 have been convicted while the remaining, aged 15 to 56, are going through trials under charges that are yet to be proved. Seventy-four children (girls and boys) are also accompanying their mothers in jails, 42 of them are behind the bars since their birth in jail. Females, however, can keep their children upto six years of age, a facility that earlier was extended for children less than three year old. The facility could be extended to six years only if the court allowed.

Although the step has been welcomed by human rights groups, the officials at provincial Prisons Department are still creating hurdles in launching the project. "Yes it had to be completed in all the four prisons last year. But as the allocation for the purpose was not sufficient we had to wait for increase in the budget. Now we have been given the required money and hopefully the project would complete during the current financial year," Inspector General Prisons, Fazlur Rahman, told The News on Sunday, adding they had to re-shape the PC-I due to lesser allocations.

The provincial government had allocated a special fund for the construction of family barracks in last year's budget. But, despite the allocation and firm directives, the slow pace of construction work has not yet allowed the prisoners to avail the facility. In the current budget the government has further increased the allocation for prisons, up to Rs.292.21 million from Rs.252 million, which also includes funds for the construction of the proposed 20 family barracks with 100 more wards in the rest of the 18 jails.

"We have increased the budget for prisons by 15 per cent so the projects initiated to provide relief to the prisoners could be completed within no time. The construction of family quarters has been almost complete in Bannu central prison while 15 other residential units in the rest of the three main jails is going on in full swing," remarked the NWFP senior minister Sirajul Haq, predicting that the prisoners would start availing the facility within a couple of months.

Some people fear it would create a number of problems for the inmates as well as the jail authorities and may open up the possibility of vulgarity in jails. "To begin with, female prisoners have not been given the right for which they have already started protesting. Second, who will ensure the girl coming inside to a family barrack is really the wife of the prisoner?" questions Noor Alam Advocate, who is heading an NGO, The Voice of Prisoners. He also asked for a check over the staff so they would not blackmail any family or oblige only influential inmates.

The step has been widely appreciated as it would enable many families to meet after several years. But there is a concern that five residential quarters may not be enough for a jail like Peshawar where the number of prisoners remains between 2500 to 3000. There must be also a check over the officials of these four prisons so the staff could not misuse the package. And foremost, the same right should be given to female prisoners too.

Talibanisation of Khyber Agency

Talibanisation of Khyber Agency
By Imtiaz Gul July 03, 2008


Following the unleashing of military power on the militants in Khyber Agency on June 28, the government banned the Lashkar-i-Islam (LI) led by Mangal Bagh, Ansarul Islam (AI), headed by Mehbubul Haq and Amar Bil Maroof Wa Nahi Analmunkir (Promotion of virtue and prevention of vice) led by Haji Naamdar.
Let us see what these organisations are their leaders are all about.
Talibanisation of this agency is relatively recent and also different from the evolution of these movements in other agencies.
Ideologically, almost all these groups are essentially Deobandi Sunnis, yet for various political reasons they have been at loggerheads, particularly Mufti Shakir and Pir Saifur Rehman since 2005.
In late 2003 a local cleric, Haji Naamdar launched the Amar Bil Maroof Wa Nahianalmunkir (Promotion of virtue and prevention of vice - PVPV) and commissioned a fiery orator Mufti Muneer Shakir to “spread the word of God and also ensure justice to all”. Shakir’s oratory soon galvanised locals, the majority of whom have been wary of the draconian FCR laws which treat them as C-grade citizens. Socio-economic deprivations also played a vital role in catapulting PVPV into an acceptable organisation which was seen as delivering justice.
In late 2004, Haji Naamdar gradually went in the background, thereby pitching Shakir, who had meanwhile founded Lashkar-i- Islam, against Peer Saifur Rehman (Brelvi).
Ironically, at least two lethal radio stations – one run by the Lashkar-i-Islam and the other by Pir Saifur Rehman, who had migrated from Afghanistan to settle down in the Soordand area of the Bara Tehsil, Khyber Agency. Both began a vicious propaganda war against each other through make-shift FM stations, resulting in violent clashes in 2005 between their followers. These clashes then resulted in the creation of Lashkar-i-Islam. Saifur Rehman also followed suit and formally launched Ansarul Islam. March 2006 witnessed some bloody feuds between rival Taliban factions in the Khyber Agency. (More than two dozen deaths within two days in Khyber Agency – in an area that falls in FATA but is hardly about a dozen kilometres from places where the governor, the FC inspector-general, the political agent, and the army corps commander’s headquarters are located.
Both groups defied the writ of the government for a while until February 2006, when a tribal jirga ordered Pir Saifur Rehman to leave the area to ease tensions. The expulsion, however, helped little; rival FM stations continued to spit venom against each other. Also, both radical clerics made a mockery of the administration as well as of the tribal jirga, which had been asking them to shut down their radio stations, but both rivals held their ground.
Mufti Shakir had meanwhile set up his own Sharia court, which adjudicated all crimes according to his understanding and interpretation of the Sharia law – mostly the Taliban way.
In some areas of the Khyber Agency, Lashkar-i-Islam practically established a parallel government, launched the illegal FM radio station, and its armed vigilantes would punish anybody they considered in conflict with their agenda. In May 2007, for instance, LI activists demolished 10 houses after picking up all valuables from there. Local militia, media reports said, acted as silent spectators.
“Armed LI activists patrol government roads and have set up illegal check posts as well. They forced private and public girls’ schools to close down and occasionally also forcibly shut down boys schools and colleges.”
The Bara residents alleged that when the political authorities had ordered the FC to take action against the LI, the Mehsud Scouts had refused to carry out the orders, rendering the political authorities helpless before the FC. They also alleged that some members of the Khasadar force are aligned with the LI. “Peshawar is not immune to what is happening in Bara and repercussions will affect the city if the government doesn’t put an end to this parallel government,” they said.
Following external pressures, the authorities finally cracked down on the combatants, forcing Peer Saifur Rehman out of the tribal areas through a jirga. Saifur Rehman reportedly retreated into Punjab for shelter, while Mufti Shakir has been in jail since late 2007. (The political agent invoked the FCR 40 and consigned Shakir to indefinite detention).
Mangal Bagh Afridi replaced Shakir and continues to command authority and respect in the region. Concentrated in several pockets of the Khyber Agency, LI continues to oppose “un-Islamic” practices; no films, no video or music CDs are allowed for open sale in the markets. Criminals, if held, are punished, as did the Afghan Taliban under Mulla Omar.
The surge in religious on the one hand, and in crime on the other, prompted Haji Naamdar to revive his PVPV. Actually, the creation of Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan in December 2007, provided him with the trigger for getting active again (author’s interviews with senior intelligence officials responsible for FATA, May 2008)
Turning Point for Khyber Taliban
Until a suicide attack at Naamdar’s headquarters in Takya, Bara Town early May, 2008, which left around 20 people injured, and a few other incidents including the abduction of the Pakistani ambassador, and execution of several officials, the cleric had reportedly sheltered several TTP militants – both local and foreign – who had fled the military operation in South Waziristan in January.
As a result, a small group led by Baitullah Mehsud’s deputy, Hakeemullah Mehsud, also had emerged and started interfering in local matters like detention and execution of government officials.
But a day after the attack on him, Naamdar ordered Baitullah’s Taliban to leave the Khyber Agency.
“All militants belonging to Baitullah Mehsud’s group have been ordered to leave the Khyber Agency following the confirmation that the attack was ordered by Baitullah,” a close aide to Naamdar told reporters on May 3
Hakeemullah defended the attack by telling Naamdar that he had “documentary evidence that you (Naamdar) were a government puppet posing as a Mujahid”. Hakeemullah had offered as justification a photograph of Naamdar published in a Peshawar-based Urdu-language daily, showing him seated next to the Frontier Corps (FC) Colonel Mujahid Hussain.
Crime, corruption and conviction (religious) keep the agency on the boil, whereby the authorities are reaching out to Haji Naamdar to use him as a shield against the TTP threat that looms large all over FATA. The absence of any legal justice system and the abuse of the FCR have all combined to turn the Khyber Agency into an explosive powder keg.
Aversion to foreign troops and commitment to the cause of Afghan Taliban as well as ideological affinity with al-Qaeda serve as common denominators to the militant organisations in Khyber Agency, where, like other FATA agencies, the precarious law and order situation adds fuel to the ever-increasing craving for legal and socio-economic justice.
The nexus between the smuggler mafia and the administration is too often ignored and, or understated under the excuse of respecting local tribal customs and traditions. In the last few years, irrespective of claims made by the local community, the administration has refused to counter the increasing influence of local Taliban elements led by Haji Naamdar. For unexplained reasons, the administration also remained indifferent to violence between the groups led by Mufti Munir and Pir Saifur.
Profiles of Leaders
Mufti Munir Shakir, Kurram Agency, had founded Lashkar-i-Islam (LI). In late 2005, his strict Wahabist organisation, developed serious differences with the Brelvi Ansarul Islam of Pir Saifur Rehman. The differences between the two groups often get violent even to this date. Mufti Munir Shakir left Khyber Agency in the last week of February 2006 though, after a stern warning from the political administration was conveyed to him by a tribal jirga through grueling negotiations. He was arrested soon after he left Khyber by some intelligence agency and the political agent sentenced him to indefinite jail.
Mangal Bagh Afridi: Mangal Bagh Afridi became the successor to Mufti Munir Shakir to lead Lashkar-i-Islam (LI). He comes from a humble background. Afridi is also an ultra-conservative cleric considered close to the administration. He enjoys considerable support of people because of his daring, though religious, decrees against vagabonds. When the government fails, Afridi steps in to maintain law and order. In the process he has gained formidable clout among local tribes. That is why he at times comes across as “an independent and high-handed cleric”. This also causes ripples in his covert relations with the political administration every now and then.
For instance, in June 2006 LI ran into trouble with the administration after the political administration disagreed with the peace committees that Afridi set up for maintaining law and order in the area. The disagreement also led to tensions and resulted in the closure of local markets for a few weeks.
Afridi has been dispensing vigilante justice from time to time, and also administered public punishments to people he declared as criminals. Besides, his illegal FM radio station keeps delivering sermons and urging people to take to the right path i.e. join the LI for serving God and Islam.
In the absence of effective government control, Mangal Bagh Afridi has grown enormously in his strength. Some locals suggest that depending on the situation the government some times ignores Afridi’s militant activities, and indirectly supports him whenever state machinery is unable to fix a problem.
Under the leadership of Mangal Bagh Afridi, the LI has occasionally picked battles with some of the local sub-tribes. In April 2008, his men had a skirmish with powerful Kukikhel tribesmen of Jamrud because the Kukikhels wanted to indulge in some businesses which Mangal Bagh thought were un-Islamic.
In brazen disregard to the law, on March 3, 2008, LI militants attacked the Bara Sheikhan village in Peshawar district (not a tribal area) and killed 10 tribesmen and injured about a dozen over a religious issue. It is hard to deduce that he is sending men to fight for the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. Some connection with the Taliban movement in Afghanistan cannot be ruled out though. According to one report, Taliban leaders from Afghanistan mediated a dispute between LI and their rivals Ansarul Islam (AI) in November 2007. Moreover, even if Mangal Bagh is not sending his men for fighting in Afghanistan, his state within the state does provide another safe haven for like-minded Taliban with whom he can always find mutually complementary interests and aspirations.
Pir Saifur Rehman: Pir Saifur Rehman (an Afghan who lived in Khyber Agency since 1977 to 2006) is the founder of the religious cum militant group Ansarul Islam (AI). Since late 2005, his group has been involved in hate-mongering over illegal FM radio stations and violent clashes with the rival Lashkar-i-Islam, founded by Mufti Munir Shakir.
He was forced to leave the tribal area after the political authorities of Khyber Agency detained about 40 of his supporters in the first week of February 2006. He was forced by the political administration over it because of his spread of hate through his illegal FM radio station against Mufti Munir Shakir, which had generated violence in the agency. Pir Saifur Rehman reportedly moved to central Punjab for shelter, where he might be staying at one of the Lashkar-i-Taiba or Jamaatudawa, a Wahabist outfit.
Haji Naamdar: Haji Naamdar, in his early 30s, had founded the Amar Bil Maroof Wa Nahi Anilmunkir (Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice). Inspired by the Afghan Taliban supreme leader Mulla Omar, Naamdar espouses enforcement of Islamic Sharia in Pakistan (just as Mulla Omar wants it for Afghanistan).
Although Naamdar launched his PVPV to cleanse the society of infidels and criminals, he, too, often talks of the “foreign occupation of Afghanistan”.
“Naamdar does nothing inside Pakistan and is interested only in Afghanistan. He runs his own prisons, and his utterances are treated as final, like that of Mulla Omar, the leader of the Taliban,” a senior government official said after a meeting with Naamdar in late April 2008.
Naamdar, opposes suicide attacks inside Pakistan, but justifies them as the “best weapon” against the enemy. “We have to finish our enemy in Afghanistan by any means and suicide bombing is the best weapon.”
Naamdar’s acknowledgement of the presence of Taliban militants and their ‘active participation’ in cross-border anti-US jihad underscored the fact that even Khyber Agency has begun providing militants for the cross-border anti-US activities.
A day after surviving the suicide attack Naamdar told media that he was helping to ‘detoxify’ militants staying with him through ‘Islamic classes’, that teach them that attacking Pakistani forces, people or state installations “is no jihad at all”, and that rather, by “doing so we are strengthening anti-Islamic forces”.
What, however, turned Naamdar into a half collaborator of the Pakistani authorities, were his criticism of attacks on Pakistani people – both civilians and government officials.
Why should Mujahideen target Pakistan when this country provides everything for jihad in Afghanistan,” Naamdar was quoted as saying.
“These [Mujahideen] leaders brainwash teenagers, telling them that each and every Pakistani is their enemy and his or her killing is justified. And it is also jihad that they should keep killing Pakistanis,” said Naamdar of militants targeting Pakistani forces.

Chasing 'A Boy Across The River'

Chasing 'A Boy Across The River'

Dr. Nafees Ur Rehman (@NafeesRehmanDr)

A tale of how a girl across the river became a boy and cheeks turned into bottoms like peach over a period of about 100 years. 

Last summer, I was reading the memoirs of Major Maurice Patrick O'Connor Tandy, who had worked for the British-Raj and was posted Assistant Commissioner Kohat through1940-41.  In this book THIM DAYS IS GONE, I came across a love-song Zakhmi Sandara which he says was being played endlessly on loud speakers in Peshawar. The alleged translation by the British, according to him, of a couplet of which go like this.  

There is a boy across the river with a bottom like a peach

But alas! I cannot swim

I was really surprised that such an explicit (rather obscene) song could have been played at Peshawar that too in public and on loud speakers. We know that in those times even loud-speaker was termed as a tool of devil and religious fanatics had issues fatwas against its usage. However, I kind of believed that this love-song might have existed owing to the deplorable practice of Shahid Bazi /Bacha Bazi in this part of the world.  I went on and posted this excerpt on Twitter. There Barmazid, a Pashtun history enthusiast and blogger responded to it saying that he had seen mention of this love-song in the works of the novelist John Master. John Master is the same novelist who invented the Execution By Golden Shower theory where he fancies that the tribal Pashtun women would kill captured British soldiers by urinating into their mouths. 

What I didn't know that William Dalrymple, a celebrated historian from Scotland based in India, had also mentioned this couplet in his book Return of a King: The Battle for Afghanistan on page 17. He had posted it on Twitter in 2013, as attached below. 

"There is a boy across the river with a bottom like a peach,
But alas! I cannot swim." Khushal Khan Khattack, c1700 [Return of a King p17]

— William Dalrymple (@DalrympleWill) February 27, 2013

It strucked me when I saw that these couplets were attributed to Khushal Khan Khattak, a celebrated Pashto poet whose poetry was first translated into English in 1880s for that it talks of courage, bravery, character and love. Elphinstone remarks on Khushal Khan Khattak in his History of India as  "Khushhal Khan, the Khan of the Khataks, who was a voluminous author and has left several poems written at this time for the purpose of exciting the national enthusiasm of his countrymen. They are remarkable for their high and ardent tone, and for their spirit of patriotism and independence, so unlike the usual character of Asiatics."

د افغان په نـنګ می وتړله توره 

نـنګیالی د زمانی خوشال خټک یم

It is for the Afghan honour that my sword I have bound beside me, 

I Khushhal Khatak am the only proud Afghan of the day!

So it was troubling to accept that a chieftain of Khattaks, a warrior and poet could have written such obscene couplet. Upon inquiry of the source of this couplet, William Dalrymple pointed to Soldier Sahib by Charles Allen. However, there is no mention of the love-song, let alone any primitive source for this couplet. This left us confused.

The confusion, however, served as motivation to trace the origin or any earlier mentions of the couplet in Pashto and in the colonial literature. I came across multiple mentions of this love-song in the colonial-literature some calling it Zakhmi Sandara (Wounded Song), others Zakhmi Dil (Wounded  Heart) but, unfortunately, none in Pashto. Fortunately enough, it is now possible to solve the riddle of the love-song, from the colonial literature alone.

This love-song appears in the book On secret patrol in high Asia by Latham Valentine Stewart Blacker, published in 1922. I quote the lyrics and the musical tune from this book below.

Source: On Secret patrol in high Asia,Blacker, L.V.S, p-185, 1922.

There's a girl across the river,
And her cheeks are like a peach,
But, alas ! I cannot swim,
Though we all know what would happen
If a Pathan hove in sight,
And if he could only reach. 

So now we have part of the answer i.e, the original lyrics do not talk of boys neither of bottoms; but of girls and cheeks.  This also confirms that the later usage of the couplet was, surely, result of corruption or modification. Now read with me the following excerpt from The Pathan Borderland by James W. Spain, published under auspices of Near and Middle East Institute of Columbia University in 1965.

"Many of the songs and stories which are repeated in Pathan villages are reminiscent of the versatility of the folk literature of medieval Europe. One of the best known is the Kabuli love song, Zakhmi Dil, "Bleeding heart", which in altered cadence and with revised (and very obscene) words was a favorite marching tune among Pathan soldiers of the British [Raj]."

Based on the above excerpt, we can confidently say that the original lyrics were modified. I came across two other mentions that the British-Indian soldiers would march to this tune during World War I, which means that the original love-song was there before the World War I and the modifications to it took place either before or during the war period.


The last and important question is, when was the modified couplet attributed to Khushal Khan Khattak. As mentioned above, William Dalrymple has quoted Soldier Sahib by Charles Allen published 2000 as source of the couplet but as I have said earlier, the book does not mention it at all. However, Charles Allen had talks about it in one place in his earlier work Plain tales from the Raj: images of British India in the twentieth century published in 1986. He talks just in one place of the love-song as shown in the following excerpt.

But gives no detail of the poet. I have not [yet] found any mention of the original or of the modified lyrics that attributes it to Khushal Khan Khattak except that of William Dalrymple's. in Return of the King.
I can confidently say that it is because of the absence of any reference that when Barmazid asked him again the other day,  William Dalrymple tweeted that the attribution of the couplet to Khushal Khan Khattak is an error and, that this error will be corrected in the future editions of the book.

Yes, this seems to be an error and I need to correct it in future editions

— William Dalrymple (@DalrympleWill) January 17, 2019

On a last note, I thank Barmazid for pointing out this error and for standing to correct it.  I also thank William Dalrymple for his friendly yet professional interaction with us on this topic and for having agreed to correct the error.

Lt. Colonel Rogan
[Extracted from Fifty years of Army music]  

Edit: According to Queen's Royal Surreys website[extracted Jan 20, 2019], it was Lieutenant Colonel J MacKenzie Rogan, an army musician, who composed music on Indian themes while at Calcutta in 1885. And it is believed that he was the first one who re-arranged the tune of the famous Zakhmi Dil song for Army Bands. 

Learning the static way

Learning the static way
Published The MEWS on Sunday Dec 2006
Third in the list of educational systems operating in Pakistan are madrassas -- once the original schools for Muslims

By Rahimullah Yusufzai

The education system in Pakistan caters to three different categories of students. One is for the English-speaking elite class comprising cadet colleges and well-known chains of schools and is almost entirely privately run. Then there are government schools in which charges are minimal but facilities and quality of teaching are poor. Third in the list are madrassas where stress is on religious education and schooling is more or less free.

It has been rightly said that Pakistan is producing three distinctpersonalities through its contrasting systems of education. There aren't many similarities among the graduates churned out by the public schools and cadet colleges, government educational institutions, and madrassas. Most of them would tend to have a different worldview after having studied in a particular environment. Those educated in government and religious schools would have more in common than those studying in the elitist educational institutions because they largely belong to the poor and lower middle classes. Though it is understandable to have different level of schools to cater to students belonging to various socio-economic groups, the implications for the future on account of such a non-uniform educational system are obvious.

Madrassas have been part of life in the Indo-Pak subcontinent, as well as in other Islamic countries. Indeed the madrassas were the original form of schooling for Muslims and were gradually replaced by the more secular and conventional schools over a period of time. While madrassas elsewhere in the Islamic world underwent a change in keeping with the trends of a modernising global environment, those in undivided India and in present-day Pakistan remained largely static. Efforts to effect changes in their curriculum and include modern sciences in the madrassa syllabus faltered because the Ulema running them were suspicious of those pushing for a change. Policy-makers and decision-takers were mostly from the secular establishment and, therefore, they were unable to create the right conditions to convince the clergy controlling the madrassa system that their intentions were sincere and well-meaning.

In the existing scenario, madrassas largely cater to two categories of people. Poor parents send their children to madrassas which offer free education, food and shelter because they cannot afford to educate their wards in conventional schools. Then there are the relatively wealthy families wishing to have one or two kids study religion full-time in a bid to seek Allah's blessings. Students receiving religious education part-time form a significant segment of the school-going children. Most Pakistani families make it a point to impart basic Quranic education to their children by sending them to mosques and homes or asking tutors to visit their residences.

Official figures show the number of madrassas, including both small and big, to be over 10,000. Among them are unregistered religious schools because government plans to register seminaries encountered opposition from the clergy. The seminaries mushroomed following the military takeover of the country by General Ziaul Haq primarily due to government backing and funding. Every clergyman worth his salt set up a madrassa and sustained it either with government funds or donations. Pakistanis are believed to be some of the biggest charity-givers in the Islamic world and most of their donations go to mosques and madrassas. In recent years, madrassas for girls have been set up rapidly and nowadays one often sees seminaries for male and female students existing close to each other under the same management.

Data collected by the security agencies in the NWFP sometime back showed that 1,761 madrassas, including 1,034 that were unregistered, with total enrolment of 223,900 were functioning in the province. The students included a large, unspecified number of Afghan refugees and another 64 from other countries. However, this was before the government banned foreigners from receiving madrassa education in Pakistan. The data gathered by the labour and industries department, NWFP, which is supposed to register madrassas, differed with that put together by the intelligence agencies. Its figures showed that the province had 1,823 madrassas, including 1,433 that were registered before registration of new seminaries was banned in 1994. When the ban was subsequently lifted, another 390 madrassas were registered. According to the security agencies' survey, 228,021 students had graduated from madrassas in the NWFP during the past 10 years. The number of madrassas graduates grew every year and it was 32,177 last year. The green and mountainous Swat district, the favourite destination of tourists, had more madrassas and students than other districts in the province.

Madrassa education has undergone little change over the years. With a few exceptions, most seminaries have stuck to the old syllabus and teaching methods. Government efforts to reform the system of education at the madrassas have been slow and ineffective. The Wifaqul Madaris, an independent, Ulema-run body that oversees madrassa education and conducts examinations, has resisted change suggested by outsiders. Maulana Hanif Jullundhari, one of its top functionaries, recently wrote a series of articles to show that madrassa students unlike their counterparts from conventional educational institutions never resorted to strikes and violence and refrained from teaching in examinations. He argued that the madrassas were performing a specific role by imparting quality religious education and should continue to do so in the same manner in which public schools and colleges were providing secular teaching.

Some clergymen are also fond of quoting Allama Iqbal, who while visiting Spain was saddened by the sight of the old Islamic cities and institutions that Muslim conquerors left behind after their defeat at the hands of Christians. The Allama is reported to have said that the madrassas should remain as they are so that children of poor Muslims continue to study there and become Mullas and Dervishes. "Otherwise, Indian Muslims would meet the same fate as the Muslims in Undulas (Spain) where the ruins of Grenada and Qurtaba and the relics of Al-Hamra are the only remaining signs of Islamic culture in a country ruled by Muslims for 800 long years," Allama Iqbal reportedly observed.

It is obvious that the clergymen see the madrassas as repositories of Islamic learning and fortresses of the religion. They believe the worldview the madrassas offer is aimed at defending the faith from onslaught by non-believers. Critics don't agree with this observation as they feel madrassa education doesn't fully equip the students to meet modern challenges. In their view, madrassas retard progress because there is no teaching of modern sciences or languages at the seminaries. There is also the feeling that madrassas promote religious sectarianism as the seminaries cater to particular schools of thought ranging from Deobandi to Barelvi and Ahle Hadith to Ahle Tashee (Shia). The religious divide inculcated in the minds of young and impressionable minds at the madrassas blocks integration and tolerance and causes strife.

There are bound to be problems in the education sector in Pakistan in future if we continue with the divergent educational systems. There would certainly be clash of ideas between those graduating from elitist educational institutions and the government and religious schools. One could only hope that it doesn't lead to violence.