QK archives: Orakzai

 

ORAKZAI

on: November 02, 2021In: Home Slider, OpinionNo Comments

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By Akbar Ahmed

Originally published by https://www.albiladdailyeng.com/orakzai/

With the Taliban back in control in Afghanistan and the TTP once again on the march along the borders of Afghanistan and Pakistan, it is imperative that tribal societies, their leadership and organization are better understood by those dealing with them. Without this understanding, there will be little hope of successfully managing conflict with the recently re-emerged Taliban and TTP. It is with this in mind that we must applaud Colonel Rai Kashif Amin Khan for making a classic of tribal society available to the reader. This is Sir Lucas White King’s celebrated monograph, The Orakzai Country and Clans written over a century ago. The re-printing of the monograph is the occasion of my writing an Op-Ed in its honor, and it is also an opportunity to revisit some autobiographical notes from my life among the Orakzai (for further information see my Pukhtun Economy and Society).

Who are the Orakzai peoples? Their name Orakzai derives from the words orak or lost and zai meaning son. The story goes that a Persian prince arrived in this region a long time ago as a result of changing fortunes and founded the tribe. When I was appointed Political Agent in charge of the recently formed Orakzai Agency in the mid-1970s, I looked around for literature about its history and culture. Indeed, when I was not attending official meetings or presiding over reconciliation assemblies among the tribes, I would spend my free time researching and locating rare manuscripts on tribal societies. I found three priceless monographs: Merck on the Mohmand, Howell on the Mahsud and King on the Orakzai. All three authors were British officers belonging to the elite cadre of the Indian Civil Service, the famed ICS. Writing about the people they served was a great tradition of British field officers and I believe it is essential to continue this tradition in Pakistan. In one way or other, I managed to preserve all three monographs through publication. Last year, I was delighted to see that Oxford University Press had republished Howell’s little gem.

King, who wrote on the Orakzai, was Deputy Commissioner of Kohat (from 1897-1900) and gave us an intelligent and analytical account of the Orakzai tribes who were then part of his charge. I am now thrilled to receive King’s Orakzai, re-published by courtesy of Colonel Kashif, a true scholar-soldier, presently  Commandant of the Orakzai Scouts. The Colonel deserves our gratitude and I hope his senior colleagues take note of his contribution.

The monograph is divided into three main sections: the first deals with an overview of the Orakzai clans and the regions where they live; the second deals with their history and their relations with other tribes; and the third discusses relations between the British colonial government and the Orakzai clans. There are sections on military expeditions but also on other topics such as customs, shrines and leadership which are invaluable to the reader. It is notable that although the tribe is overwhelmingly Sunni, there are significant Shia communities living in the Orakzai Agency. The final chapter describes, beginning in 1885, hostile Orakzai “depredations” – the word used by King – to which the British reacted by launching several campaigns into Orakzai territory.

King points out the sympathies the Orakzai felt for the Afghans in the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-80). The final major expedition against the tribe took place in 1897 and ended in its surrender to the British and the handing over of a large number of arms and ammunition as well as stolen cattle. King’s monograph, as he states, was meant to provide his colleagues in the British colonial administration with a better understanding of the important tribes of what was then the North-West Frontier Province. Being aware that they were in the Afridi-dominated Kohat district, the Orakzai always had a sense of being treated as a minority and therefore neglected. It was only when the Orakzai finally had their own Agency did they feel the validation of their identity.

Today the tribes of the Orakzai Agency are seemingly peaceful and away from national events. But one century ago they were in the eye of a political storm. A British girl, Miss Mollie Ellis, the daughter of Major Ellis, had been kidnapped in 1923 and taken into the Orakzai areas. Ajab Khan, a young Afridi, was behind the kidnapping. He was upset because he believed that some British troops had come to his village and insulted the local women. He promised revenge, according to the code of honor and eventually slipped into the Kohat Cantonment and kidnapped Miss Ellis. In the scuffle to get her out of the house, her mother was killed. The empire was outraged. Keep in mind that this was the high noon of the British Indian empire. The idea of a British girl kidnapped by a tribesman and taken into the tribal areas was enough to send electric shocks of outrage through the bodies of every red-blooded British male. There was talk of revenge; regiments were marched about, there were even air sorties and search parties sent into the tribal areas.

But most effectively, it was the political officials, who through negotiation and diplomacy brought back Miss Ellis. Overnight she became an international celebrity. Films and books came out of her story. But people soon noticed that she talked about the courtesy and hospitality she received at the hands of the tribesmen. This dampened the interest in her story as her own community was expecting outrage and sexual assault as they saw the tribesmen through the prism of caricature and stereotypes. When she began to talk about the modesty of the people and the care with which they treated her, they soon lost interest.

Miss Ellis was taken into the house of Akhundzada Mahmud, a respected religious leader, to ensure that no harm came to the young girl. He would be her guardian and protect her in his home. His son Akhundzada Saeed told me half a century later that he still recalled her as a woman of great beauty. He was proud that they protected her honor and cared for her. I interviewed him and we became friends.

My time in the Agency was fraught with danger and excitement. Two events stand out. They provide us with lessons for today: in both cases with patience and wise handling the tribes can be united peacefully in a common cause. This conclusion flies in the face of the common stereotype about the tribes that they are recalcitrant and difficult to handle.

In the first case, I hosted the first-ever visit by a Prime Minister to the interior of the Agency, and the second was my overseeing the shifting of the headquarters into the Agency. Both these developments were assisting in incorporating the Agency into the larger nation of Pakistan. The visit of Mr. Z. A. Bhutto to the heart of the Agency was indeed historic. The tribesmen vigorously resisted any intrusion let alone something as visible and consequential as the visit of a Prime Minister. Besides, these areas always had foreign agents working to spoil precisely such occasions. As I began to prepare for Bhutto’s visit, I knew that one shot fired in the distance would ruin the entire trip with headlines forming across the world. I, therefore, worked very hard to ensure that peace prevailed when Bhutto landed. The problem was that almost every tribe was in the midst of tribal feuds with their neighbors. How could I impose universal peace when no such thing had happened before in the area? I enquired about traditional methods of creating peace in such a situation. I was told that there was a long shot but it was worth trying. If I could get the tribes to agree on and sign off on teega, a stone, they would honor it. The symbolism of the stone was that it would act as a boundary between the tribes and it had to be limited to a specific period. In this case, we got the tribes to sign off on a teega for a 24-hour period.

In the event, the invited elders sat peacefully and quietly listening to the Prime Minister but when it was all over, I noted that they still continued to sit. Curious, and alert to possible mischief,  I asked my staff what was going on. I was told that this was not a form of protest, but that they were keen to see the helicopters take off again. Nothing like this had happened before in the Agency.

Bhutto had arrived in a convoy of three helicopters and we had ensured that he would be received with full honors as the head of the government of Pakistan. We had erected an impressive covered stage and flags and buntings were visible everywhere. The surrounding hilltops were taken by our scouts ready to ensure that no one would make an attempt to disrupt the proceedings. We had found an antique gun to present to Bhutto through our tribal elders and he was pleased to receive the gift. That photograph along with an article was published by Time magazine that week; proof that the Orakzai had arrived.

Bhutto, who it was known,   had begun to lose his temper easily was in a foul mood. At lunch, which we had arranged in the tiny rest house, he was hearing the news of Jimmy Carter’s victory in the American presidential race with increasing gloom. “The Democrats always give us a tough time. They’re not our friends,” he said more to himself than the officials gulping food around the table and wondering who would be the next victim of his wrath. He had already insulted General Jamaldar, a member of the National Assembly for the Agency.

Bhutto had promised adult franchise, educational and development programs and gave significant importance to the Tribal Areas. This had made him more popular than any other politician from Pakistan. While Bhutto’s reception was peaceful in the Orakzai Agency, he received a hostile welcome in other agencies during his tour of the Tribal Areas, especially the South Waziristan Agency. It was an ill omen. Bhutto would be toppled from the government within a year and would not survive his successors’ determination to see that his life ended on the gallows.

In the end, nothing would matter. It was like a Greek tragedy, preordained and prewritten. After seeing off the Prime Minister, I traveled with General Jamaldar, a member of the National Assembly from the Agency, on the way back from the agency headquarters.  Tall, erect, and always dressed in smartly pressed shalwar-kameez with an impressive tribal turban on his head which made him look even taller, he was one of the most prominent figures from the entire Tribal Areas and a Sandhurst graduate to boot. Central casting could not have selected a better military officer. He would come to dine with me every few weeks and we would exchange notes. He had a great sense of humor and I enjoyed his company.

As we hurtled down the mountains to my headquarters in Hangu in the General’s car, the Pakistan flag flying and flapping in the wind, I asked him why he took so much nonsense from Bhutto who had upbraided him in public in front of his own tribe. The General thought for a moment, and then pointed to the flag with a slight smile and said, that is the answer. He meant that the power and status provided by his appointment were seductive and dulled a man’s sense of honor.

When the elections for the assemblies were to take place in the Tribal Areas, General Jamaldar approached me to persuade the Maliks, who then had the sole authority to vote for the assembly members, to support him. I genuinely admired the General and said if I had a vote, which I did not, I would give it to him but I was going to be perfectly neutral and not exert my authority on anyone’s behalf. The General became irritated and reminded me that he belonged to the ruling party of Mr. Bhutto who would be informed that the Political Agent of Orakzai Agency was not cooperative.  The implications were dire; transfer and even removal from service were on the cards. The matter created some tension between us and I was informed by the General that I should be ready to receive a call from Mr.  Bhutto the Prime Minister himself early the next morning. I arrived early at my office, as was my wont, and waited for the call. It never came. Later, when the General met my father in Peshawar, he praised me to the heavens, saying that I was the best political officer since the time of the British, but that I had ruined his political career. My father also admired the General and told me this was conveyed in a semi-humorous way.

The other big event that took place during my time was the shifting of the Agency headquarters from Hangu to deep into the Agency for the first time in the history of the Orakzai. My main task then was to get people used to the idea that we intended to move into the Agency and help them to see its benefits. I took several steps, some small and some significant, to signal the move. I took to visiting the most inaccessible areas like the Mullah Khel, where I spent a night with the tribe. My staff warned me against this plan citing the passions and unreliability of the tribes and the risks involved to my person.

Living deep in Tirah on the borders with the Afridi tribes, the Mullah Khel were staunch opponents of the British and when I became the first Political Agent to tour the area there was a great deal of tension and even hostility in the air. There was firing all night. I along with my bodyguard spent the night with the elders. But once I joined them for the evening prayers that tension melted. Suddenly I was one of them. In this aspect, I had an advantage over the British.

Then, along with my staff, we shifted deep into the interior of the Agency in a broad and beautiful valley surrounded by mountains in the area called Kalaya. This is where the future headquarters would be situated. As I arrived with my staff, I was conscious of a thousand curious eyes following my every move. To show commitment on behalf of the government, I decided to spend the night on the intended site of the new headquarters.  Just my spending the night made a major statement. The government had arrived. I prepared to sleep for the night in the small rest house on top of a hill in the middle of the valley. I expected some reaction but not as intense as what happened. There were shots fired at the rest house all night.

I then decided to exhibit a show of strength by walking through the mountains and then around the Agency, coming out near Peshawar to indicate to all that government had irrevocably arrived. There were no roads and we could only travel on foot through rocky and difficult terrain. This was part of Tirah, famous in history as one of the most inaccessible areas in the entire region. I had instructed my assistant political officers to spend time persuading tribal elders to make sure everything went well and I was received without any mishap. They had promised a warm reception.

We left early in the morning, I at the head of a convoy of some one hundred para-military men under my command. As there were no roads we bumped and struggled through the rocky ground. I was sitting in the first jeep confidently looking at the mountain peaks running along our left flank and thinking that they would make the perfect ambush on our convoy. This is exactly what happened. When the attack began, I heard a gentle plop, plop, plop, plop. It sounded like raindrops and, sitting in the front seat of the jeep with my leg virtually hanging out, I saw the dust around the front tires shooting up. I thought maybe it was drizzling. My assistant was wedged in the backseat and I said half-incredulously, “I hope we’re not being fired on.” He replied, “No, no sir, these are our friends, I have worked hard with them.”

But the next volley of shots was uncomfortably close and I yelled, that these are real bullets and we will be killed if we continue to remain in the jeeps. I ordered the convoy to stop and for everyone to take cover. We jumped out and hid behind the large rocks. Once we were behind the rocks, I asked about our relative strength in case we had to face a full assault.  How many men do we have? He replied, about 100. I felt confident. I calculated the tribesmen would require double that number to prevail. Just then a group of our men weaving and ducking to avoid the bullets came to talk to us. They appeared in a state of agitation.  I asked sharply why our men were not firing back? They don’t have any bullets in their guns, came the reply.

This information altered the situation. From then on it was a sheer bluff. We refused to move from our positions. When a messenger came down from the hilltop and asked us to return immediately, I replied in the grand tradition of the officers of the Frontier, the Government does not go back, it only moves forward. This show of strength, I was told later, convinced their leaders that I had a large number of Pakistan army soldiers ready to join us in case of real danger. Shortly afterward the tribesmen sent down a small group of elders carrying white flags denoting the desire for negotiation.

Pinned as we were, I considered my choices: I could retreat or call for the army and even the air force. In the event, I chose none of these options. I would handle this in the tradition of the old Frontier:  I sent them a message saying that as I refuse to turn around and go back, I would invite them to join me on my journey through their areas. I would be their guest. My honor was in their hands.  I had said that I knew they were hospitable people and I was prepared to travel from this point on along with them as my companions so we would see the agency together. This appealed to them, and it became a way out of the impasse. After some debate amongst them, they agreed. Everyone’s honor was preserved. We walked for several hours and eventually came out of the Agency without any incident. Some of the elders warned me that we could be attacked at any point as there were some people who were foreign agents.   Along the way, those we met greeted us cheerfully and offered us hospitality. Many joined our march. By now we had formed into a large procession. We finished completing the loop around the agency late into the evening and emerged on the main Peshawar road. The Agency had now been officially “opened” and we did not face any such incidents in the future.

So much has changed since I was in the Orakzai Agency. To start with, the Tribal Areas of Pakistan in which was situated the Agency is no longer in existence. The agencies have been absorbed into Pakistan and are now converted into districts, subject to the regular criminal civil and revenue laws of Pakistan. Prominent members of the Orakzai tribe serve in the military and civil services and are a part of Pakistan’s development. Most important to note, the Agency is now in the front line of the great and dramatic changes taking place in the region, lying as it does almost on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. What happens here will directly or indirectly impact Pakistan.

In my time, we were on the eve of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and with it the Great   Game, the rivalry between world powers, would arrive at the doorstep of the Agency. It would ultimately set the stage for the emergence of the Taliban leading to the events of 9/11 in the USA and the invasion of Afghanistan for the next two decades.   That invasion led to disruption in the entire region including in   Pakistan. The Orakzai agency would never be the same again.

Almost half a century ago when I shifted the headquarters into the agency the assumption was that colleges and other developments would follow. The battle for the future of this region will depend on how the government is able to introduce well-funded and excellent colleges, schools, major roads and industries, and development schemes. If this does not happen, then the frustrations of local people will provide an explosive background to the turmoil in the region. In some dramatic sense, the battle for the future of Pakistan will be decided in these former Tribal Areas of the land.

I found the people of the Orakzai Agency to be warm, intelligent, and graceful. Given the opportunity in service and with some education, they were capable of competing with the best of Pakistan. In my estimation, they needed three things urgently: Education, peace, and development schemes. This would help them take off as a society and their natural talents would see them soar. I always felt the priority was to provide education through good schools and teachers. Failing that, I feared this entire region could become rich grounds for radicalized groups influenced by outside forces.  Though it was a tough posting as Political Agent, looking back it also carried sweet memories as I met some extraordinary people and was awarded several letters of commendation from the Governor for valor in the field.

The story of Orakzai may just be restarting. It is part of a larger story that includes forces emanating from Kabul and Islamabad. Perhaps the best first step is to actually make an attempt to understand this land and its people by reading King’s monograph on the Orakzai. There is a lesson for both the government and the elders of the tribe: unless you understand the past, it is not feasible to plan for the future. Only by reading history do we understand what needs to be done to bring peace to the region and only by knowing what caused the wars of the past can we have harmony in the future.

Professor Akbar Ahmed is the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies, School of International Service, American University, Washington DC and was the former Pakistan High Commissioner to the UK and Ireland.

Reminiscences of Late Major General Nasirullah Khan Babar

Honoring our Distinguished MembersIt is our privilege that we have a large number of very distinguished Ex-Servicemen as our Members. We have started a separate Chapter in which we would like to recognize and pay tribute to the memories of those of our distinguished members who will no longer be with us.We had the distinction of having three members who held the gallantry Awards of SJ & Bar. Major General Nasirullah Khan BabarSJ & Bar, Hilal-Shujaat, was one of the three members who had the privilege of holding that distinction.The other two prominent members, who are still alive by the grace of God,and active in our Association,are Vice Admiral Ahmad Tasnim (Retd) SJ & Bar and Brig Mohammad Taj Abbassy (Retd) SJ & Bar. Major General N.K.Babar breathed his last on10thJanuary, 2011 after having suffered a stroke on 19thAugust, 2008. He was respected, admired, and remembered by all his friends, colleagues and relatives, all alike. A special Meeting was held on 23rdFebruary, 2011 to pay tribute to him. We were honored that Air Marshal M. Asghar Khan (Retd) Former Chief of Pakistan Air Force,kindly agreed to preside over the meeting. We are putting on our Website some reports and photographs of the function held.Reminiscences of Late Major GeneralNasirullah Khan BabarSj & Bar, Hilal-e-ShujaatIt is indeed a privilege and an honorto stand here to-day to pay tribute to the memory of Late Major General Nasirullah Khan Babar. He was acolleague, a friend and above all one of the most striking personalities of our living memories.

 We have heard the different accounts of those who knew him intimately and shared the experience of working with him in different period of his life. They coverthe entire span of his life, from his childhood,to his early life at PMA, his career as a gunner, his days with the Army Aviation and in particular his pivotal role in building this key arm to its full potential as it stands to-day. From this background we saw his career blossom into a versatile soldier embracing many challenging assignments both in peace and war. Equally interesting and unique is his abrupt retirement from the Army and given a unique role in charting the future of Federally Administrated Tribal Area (FATA) andthrough it,his close links with the events in the adjoining Afghanistan. They in particular bring out his distinct vision, his knowledge of history and ground realities and above all the dynamics of his life which was imbued with acute sense of patriotism and working for the future of this region. Equally interesting is his entry into the body politics of this country,though against his grain and will, but embodying an example of self-less, devoted and committed leadership; which held and maintained the lofty principles for which he lived allhis life.His life covered a very wide canvas of diversified activities. And he excelled them in all. I do not wish to repeat any of the details already too well known about him; but will endeavor to throw light on some of thoseaspects of his life which are not known commonly or else which have been misunderstood. I may start with brief reference to his early army life in which I was closely associated with him asacadet, gunner and the days of Air O.P and later as Army Aviation. His hallmark was implicit faith in himself. His greatness was that mostly he was right. 

On the lighter side I may mention a few jokes about him which brings out his character. While doing the Artillery course at Nowshera and doing the Gun Drill, remembering the positions of thedifferent numbers of the gun detachment was not his strong point. While Subedar Ajaib Khan would shout take post, he and Jehandad would rush at top speed to the gun but would keep circling around the gun, and when all others had taken their respective positions at the gun, he would leap with all the enthusiasm and jump on to the vacant place. Obviously it had to be his position. The instructor would smile and say,”Babar Sahib aurJehandad Sahib, Josh to buhaat hai magir apko abhi tak apni apni gun positionnain atey.” This would not deter him and he kept working hard and got “A”” Grade at the completion of the Artillery Course. Another aspect of our early life at Nowshera was that one of Nasirullah’s uncles, Lt Col Ihsanullah Babar was Commanding 13 Lancersas part of Armored Brigade located at Risalpur. Sometimes in the evening we would cycle to Risalpur to meet him. On our first visit as we entered the officer’smess, we saw some of the officers gathered at the bar and engaged in a frank, light vein and uninhibited friendly discussion. Lt Col Ihsanullah Babar received us very enthusiastically and introduced us to the others in the group. It is here that we also first met Lt Col Gul Hassan, who was at that time Commanding 5 Horse. Nasirullah knew him from RIMC days and immediately became intimate with him. What really impressed us was the most congenial atmosphere that prevailed in the officer’s mess. It was our first exposure to a lively and enjoyable unit mess life. A total departure from our mess life at PMA, Infantry School and theArtillery School Mess,that we had so far seen inour early army life.These were mostly rigidly formal.These visitswere so inspiring and enjoyable that we looked forward toall possible opportunities to meet with such caliber of officers.Nasirullah certainly embodied many of their traits and surely cultivated and nurtured many additional characteristics of his own, that distinguished him from others. Later when we joined our units,we saw another face of some of our senior Army Officers. They were not confident of their own professional knowledge and capabilities, hardly had any battlefield and command experience and had been catapulted to these higher ranks through the accident of the Partitioning of the Indian Army. They had narrow vision, were shallow in their outlook and purpose and had learnt the art of command through creating fear in the minds of their subordinates.It presented a glaring contrast. 

Whenever, we the fresh graduates from PMA met, we all reflected and discussed this diabolic distinction / comparison between these two classes of officers. Obviously our young and impressionable minds were agitating to follow the former rather than the later class. Babar was foremost and clearly in the lead in embodying all these true soldierly qualities. Above everything else he had learnt to lead from the front. This became his style and the distinguishing trait throughout his army career and the rest of his life.We joined N0 1 Air O.P. Flight R.P.A.F in our early Career. Living at the Pakistan Air Force Officers Mess, Chaklalaand inter mixing with the senior Air Force officerswas indeed a unique experience. The Officers Mess had excellent atmosphere. 

The senior officers on their frequent visits from Air Headquarters, Peshawar would stay in the mess and mix freely and intimately with all. Informal, animated, lively and absorbing discussions would ensue. The vibrant spirit of the newly emerging Pakistan Air Force was clearly discernible.The vision, the dedication, commitment and a totally absorbing professional approach would create their indelible mark on all the young impressionable minds of all of us. We truly salute those memories and we are highly grateful that the pioneer of that group is amidst us to-day to presideon this function. We will be failing in our duties if we were not to pay our sincere tribute to their contribution and service in the cause of this Air Force and thecountry. Nasirullah Babar undoubtedly drew many an inspirations from them and some other notable senior Army Officers, but he added his own flavor and spirit which could be described as only his hallmark. 

His dash and spirit of adventurism would be singled out the most proverbial of them all. We would at time describe this verging on recklessness.But he always proved us wrong. I here quote a small incident but it speaks alot. I was riding behind him in his newly acquired motor cycle for the games in the domestic compound of PAF Base, Chaklala. As we approached the ground,I saw a big hump in front of us. I thought that Bob will either bypass it or else slow down the speed. He did neither. 

The motor cycle took a big leap in the air and I was catapulted out of the seat and fell flat on the ground. Babar was firmly on the seat and merrily riding along. Seeing my plight, he turned around to inquire if I was alright. When I abused him as to why he did not slow down, he coolly told me that I should have braced myself for the jump.This described it all. He would face everything in itsownstride. Ofcourse I personally vowed not to sit behind him on his motor cycleever again.One can go on and on. The occasion to-day does not permit to relate all the details. For that we all who knew him closely have decided to write a book on him. This he should have done himself as he was truly a history in the example of his personal life, his patriotism, his dedication and commitment to the cause and the destiny of this Nation and Country.I would only try to highlight some of the most outstanding achievements and accomplishments of his life.

 Many of the earlier speakers have thrown enough light on his many escapades, adventures and acts of bravery. When we heard the account of the capture of 78 Indian Soldiers by him, we were kidding him for this otherwise anact of stupidity on his part, but turned later into an act ofunique personal bravery. But this is the way he was! Unmindful of all dangers and the hazards, he would impulsively jump into any crisis or peril that he would face.If a job had to be done he would not think twice but would take the plunge. This personal example set the pattern for the Army Aviators in the actual battlefield.Maj Gen Abrar in his book “Men of Steel”, describes this as,” The invaluableclose air support provided in crucial moments by our gallant fighter pilots of the Air Force and the daring pilots of Army Aviation.” The daring of Army Aviation pilots was a direct emulation of his example.No better compliment could be paidto him. It earned Army Aviation five awards of SJ.Brig Babar was posted to Peshawar to Command the entire Frontier Corpse,stretching from Chitral to Baluchistan. His assignment as I.G.F.C. just suitedhis style and demeanor. He seemed to have immediately adopted himself to this most challenging job. He showed an acute vision, foresight, knowledge of ground realities, an innate desire to act and absolute commitment to achieve some tangible and lasting results. 

He got Lt Col Shams-ur-Rehman Kallue, who had earlier served with him in East Pakistan when he Commanded 4 Field Regiment, as his GSO-1 operations. Thefirst thing that he did was to gain intimate knowledge of the area and establish direct contacts with the notables, Maliks and even the common people;to ascertain their aspirations, needs, their priorities, hopes and desires. Having done that,he wasted no time in briefing the Army Chief and through him the Prime Minister;that these sensitive areas needed closer contacts, a fresh new approach and enlightened policies to start the process of integrating them with the settled districts. Mr Bhutto saw the wisdom and readily supported this approach. Brig Imtiaz,the MS to the PM being also an old aviator proved an ideal bridge and link. Brig Nasirullah Khan Babar immediately arranged a tour for the visit of the Prime Minister for a detailed visit to all the agencies of F.A.T.A, starting from Chitral to South Waziristan. Since a lot of Aviation support was required, he got me also directly involved in the whole programme of the visit. We started with Baroghal Pass and went to many far flung and remote areas. The Prime Minister was most enthusiastically met everywhere. It was the first ever visit of the Chief Executive to all these god forsaken and inaccessible places. The most salient part of this visit was thestay at Miranshah. It became memorable and historic for some of the most far reaching decisions taken. 

In a small group of some 8-10 people, which besides the prime Minister, included Mr Aslam Khattak, the Governor N.W.F.P, Khan Abdul Qayum Khan, the Interior Minster, Mr Ejaz Naek, the Chief Secretary, Dr Humayun Khan, Secretary Interior N.W.F.P, myself and a person from Foreign Office, Brig Babar asked Mr Bhutto a direct and blunt question. Is the areaof FATA part of Pakistan or notanddo we see the Durand Line as the InternationalBoundary between Pakistan and Afghanistan? This raised many an eyebrows. Mr Bhutto reacted immediately and asked a counter question to Babar as to what doubt does he have.His response was simple and straightforward. 

He said,” If Durand Line is the international border, then why aren’t we sitting there?” This provoked an immediate commotion. Mr Aslam Khattak very emphatically suggested to Mr Bhutto, not to listen to this advice. The others too offered supportive views. The concerns were shown not to change the existingand current policies. These had the acceptability of the people and any change may bring in adverse reaction.Mr Bhutto quietly listened to all the views and at the end told Babar,” You have my permission.”This encouraged him and he started to give his own analysis and views about the Pakhtunistan movement currently de-stabilizing Pakistan. He went on to comment that this was entirely the brainchild of the rulers of Afghanistan and that the common man is desirousof promoting friendly and brotherly relationship with Pakistan.He clearly stated that many a people from Afghanistan are in contact with him. They need our support and approval. If we could do that they would be keen to react against their own government. 

They wanted to get rid of the despotic Daud Regime and promote better and lasting ties with Pakistan. His final advicewas that in order to stop this hoax of Pakhtunistan and the subversive activities being conducted In Pakistan, we must have the abilityto do the same to them. It came as bombshell. There were loud outbursts of NO. The Governor was most emphatic. He categorically told Mr Bhutto,” Do not listen to him. He is a mad man and will provoke an International crisis.” All present were categorically shooting down these suggestions. Mr Bhutto kept quiet. He offered no remarks and his visit of the Tribal Areas continued as planned. On his return from the visit and back in his office,Mr Bhutto summoned Brig N.K.Babar to have a meeting with him. It wasa close knit meeting of The PM, COAS and the IGFC. The plan as laid down by Brig Babar was approved and he was given a fairly free hand. It ideally suited the genius of Babar.It was outside the umbrella of ISI.

He made contact with nearly 2,000 of thesededicated and motivated people of Afghanistan, arranged for them to come to Pakistan, got them trained at Cherat with SSG and some at other locations. I too had some partial hand and knowledge of these. Bob would call me to Peshawarwithout disclosing any details, would get into the helicopter on my arrival and then would give me plan for that specific mission.We went to numerous remote,unknown and uncharted areas with no escorts and may be at times not much prior notice to them. But every where,we were received enthusiastically and the Maliks of the area would embrace us and would show their pleasure at seeing the first semblance of the Government of Pakistan since the days of the Independence.

 Full support for the plan of move of Frontier Corpse unitsto all these sensitive and far flung areas was readily forthcoming. It equally provided some opportunities to meet with some of elements from across Afghanistan who were in touch with Babar. As the task of extending the writ of the Government of Pakistan to the Durand Line and bringing in these contacts from Afghanistan was being completed, Babar got posted to Sialkot to command an Infantry Brigade to resume his bright military career. He was promoted as Maj Gen to take over the Command of 14 Division at Okara. Since the task that Babar had initiated as IGFC was not taking roots, was not finding the same support and enthusiasm in different quarters as envisaged and as planned, Mr Bhutto took the decision to retire Babar from the Army and appoint him as the Governor of N.W.F.P. 

The appointment of General Zia as COAS and Maj Gen N.K.Babar (Retd) was announced the same day. Gen eral Zia was very keen to appoint him as his Chief of the General Staff, but in view of themore important task and assignment that he was being entrusted with, the Army Chief had to agree to his retirement. General Babar too was not keen to leave his Army career but he too was persuaded to accept this in the larger interest of the country.

It was the beginning of a new role which was both challenging and Bob was rightly suited and cut for it. While his arrival as Governor gave big boost to the integration and development of Tribal Areaand equally the plan of operations assigned to these groups who had come from Afghanistan and had been trained for that cause, his relationship with Mr Bhutto received a severe set back. In a one to one meeting with Mr Bhutto, Babar gave a frank assessment of the overall situation obtaining both in the Tribal Areas, the settled districts of Frontier Province in special reference to the performance of the Chief the place. This had worked as no one had the prior information and knowledge. His instructions were clear. Arrest those who so opt, but if they offer resistance and take you on then you can use force. As his nature, he would personally lead and remain in charge till the mission was completed. In such operations there is always the possibility of some innocent people being killed. But he had given strict orders to be discreet and use minimum necessary force required. He was there to see to it that it was so done. This earned him the respect of all the peace loving and law abiding people of Karachi, regardless of their ethnic background and partyaffiliations. Some misunderstood his motives but they were wrong. He was so confident of his moral uprightness that he stood for elections from a constituency in Karachi. It is a testimony to his faith in him that he received large votes in his favor regardless of the ethnicand political divide. In fact he was so exuberant with confidence that he would state with all the confidence that he would have won if the elections had not been rigged. But that was his typical optimistic self!One hears a lot of comments,talk and opinions expressed, that Babar is the mentor,the author and the guiding spirit of rise to power of the Taliban’s in Afghanistan. This is not true. General Niazi, Brig Aslam Bodla and Lt Col Shams Kallue have already shed enough light on that. I will only briefly highlight two aspects of his association and influence with Mulla Omar and his associate Talibans. They all respected him. It may date back to his earlier contacts with Prof Rabbani, Gul Baden Hikmayat Yar, Ahmad Shah Masud and allothers from his days as IGFC and Governor. They admired and had implicit faith in him. When Taliban’s gained control of Kabul, he clearly advised them not to go beyond. They respected and abided with this. The next thing that he told them was that arapprochement with the Northern Alliance is in their own interest and for the future of Afghanistan. They fully accepted and supported this idea. They encouraged and facilitated him in this plan and idea. General Babar made several trips to Kabul. The Taliban’swould provide their own MI-8 Helicopter and the crew to undertake several visits for the meetings with Ahmad Shah Masud, Dostum and all the other notable leaders of Northern Alliance. In his own way he would describe the experience of all these visits. The starting point would be the crews dressed in their Shalwar Kameez and flowing beards and holding some ancient maps trying to navigate to the destinations desired. He said he could not trust them with their navigation skills and would sit in the cockpit to oversee the flight. We would joke with him that, his navigation was also not his forte. He would silence us by saying that regardless,he managed to invariably reach his destination. On one of the visits he had a representative from America also accompanied him. He had mentioned the name but I have since forgotten. He also told me that during the discussions with Ahmad Shah Masud, he was being negative and would not encourage further such contacts. Regardless, he had a draft agreement prepared for loose Confederationof Afghanistan with probably King Zahir Shah as the figure head. At a meeting held in the Presidency on 3rdNovember, 1996, which was presided over by Farouk Leghariand attended by PM Benazir Bhutto, General Babar, General Jehangir Karamat, Lt Gen NaimRana, DG ISI and Najam-ud-din Sheikh, the Foreign Secretary, the draft agreement so prepared was approved. General Babar was instructed to fly to Kabul on 5thNovember, 1996 and get this agreement signed by all the parties. It was on 4thNovember, 1996 that President Leghari dismissed the Benazir Government. Why he did not go ahead and got the agreement signed is another sordid chapter. Obviously it was on someone’s call and instructions. The link is clear. Some powers were interested in not allowing stability in this region for their own greater game plan and design. Another,related incident is that in May 2001, General Babar got a call from an Under Secretary of State from America who expressed his desire to meet with him during his forthcoming visit to Pakistan. Nasirullah got the sense and called the Foreign Monister of Taliban Government, Mr Muttwakkal, to come to Peshawar for a meeting with him. During that meeting General Babar explained to him that obviously American Government is upsetwith the Taliban’s harboringof Osama Bin Laden and advised that they may like to look into this matter. 

The Foreign Minister called Mullah Omar on his phone and brieflyexplained to him the purportof this meeting and gave him the brief discussions held with General Babar.He then handed over the phone to General Babar. He briefly gave him his concerns and advised him that Osama may not be provided shelter in Afghanistan. His reply was very clear and candid. He said,” I am prepared to hand him to a third neutral Country. I have only two conditions. The first is that he should be given a fair trial and second one is that one of the Judges on the court should be from Afghanistan.”He also told him that Osama cameto Afghanistan as the guest of Professor Rabbani and that he never invited him there. He also raised the question as to who provided him the C-130 Aircraft. When the Under Secretary arrived to meet with General Babar,he was apprised of this. His reply astonished General Babar. He said, “Who will guarantee that he will be punished.” General Babar was taken aback at this arrogance and self righteous comments. He replied, “You have framed no charges against him so far and it is strange that you want guarantees for his punishment.” The meeting ended at this unfruitful note. 

Again a third attempt was lost to achieve stability in the region.In conclusion, I may reflect on his disturbed association with Benazir, during her exile and the course of her back door diplomacy with General Musharraf. Of particular concern to him was this proposed NRO? So, Babar had deliberately not been in contact with her and avoided all links. It was only a day before her assassination that he met her at Peshawar. She confided in him that she wanted no part in any discussions with General Musharraf. But if she hadn’t done that the elections would have rigged and Democracy would remain thwarted. She clearly told General Babar,” I am totally disillusioned with General Musharraf and I will have no part with himand have no desire to work with him.” This satisfied Babar and his parting advice to her was not to goto this meeting. I fear for your life! That is the last political figure and a close associate that she met before her Assassination.We have reflected on all his unquestionable qualities of head and heart. No one can deny or contradict or deny these. I may sum it up with an incident which may explain it all. I had known the country head of CIA from the times that I handed over all the prominent Afghan Mujhadeento himfrom my residence, when the Russians moved into Afghanistan. I was planning to go on a visit to America and John Reagan came to see me. He would meet me on and off to seek my views on the situation as developing in the region as he knew I had General Babar’s input, for which he had respect and admiration. He told me that while during my stay, someone will contact me and requested that I should meet him. When the call cameand the meeting was soarranged,I was confronted with a strange question. I was bluntly told that they were keeping a file on all high file prominent figures of Pakistan. They included all the senior officers of the Armed Forces and other related important citizens. I was told that they had a file on one of my close friends,General N. K. Babar, and while reviewing this file they noted that it had all his strong points and showed no weaknesses in his character and personality. I was asked to show some light on his shortcomings. This immediately upset me. In a sharp reaction I strongly told them it is rather strange that on one hand they describe him as my close friend and at the same time have the audacity of asking me to reflect on his weaknesses. I bluntly told them,” That since you have raise this most inappropriate question. My forthright andblunt answer is that he has none.” The meeting abruptly ended and I walked away in some disgust. They lost this channel for some expert advice and assessment,but it speaks volumes for the character of the person that we meet here to-day to remember and honor.Surely,General Nasirullah Babar was a person who had immense qualities of head and heart. Above all he had a vision; which was pragmatic rather any utopian or product of any fanciful mind. He had a deep insight of the history of this area, its culture, the customs and the mindset of the people. His intimate and close contacts with all the tribesmade him an invaluable asset and he could suitably guide or direct their destination. It was the stability in the region, which was his foremost objective andaim. Paul Kennedy described this region as the fulcrum, to which Pakistan is the pivot. Nasirullah perfectly understood this and he gave this concept a practical and down to earth extension. It is for us to now understand and implement his thoughts, approach and the implied direction that he gave and acted on.We equally need his dedicated will and action. Foremost, he always showed the courage to speak the truth. This is w

Nasim Wali Khan: The Twilight of the Frontiers Iron Lady

 Nasim Wali Khan born 1933 – 16 May 2021

The Twilight of the Frontiers Iron Lady

a version of the below article was published by newsline March 2012 

On the 8th of February 2012, the former provincial President, the first woman directly elected to Pakistan's national parliament, application to become senator was rejected by the ANP party Parliamentary board. Coldly no explanation was formally offered and no sympathy shown by others.

Nasim Wali Khan discovered something which everyone had known for long. The nearly eighty year old former Iron lady of the Frontier, wife of the late Wali Khan, political career was over.

To understand her journey one has to rewind to the years between 1986 and 1989, nearly a quarter of a century back. It was a tumultous year in Pakistan, even more so for the three year old ANP (Awami National Party). It was the year 1989 and the party led by Wali Khan was at a cross roads. In his final years in parliamentary politics, Wali Khan tried to resurrect the old National Awami Party. The vision was a party with a national outlook, espousing secular, leftist politics and dominated by the core of what was the old 'red shirts'. Several attempts were made by leftists , ethno nationalists to once again unite again as they did in the 1950's to challenge the state. But things were changing in the frontier and power was shifting within the party. Here is one quite one sided perspective, by BM Kutty,  on an attempt by Baloch leader Ghous bux Bizenjo to merge his Pakistan National Party with the ANP.
 Skip to 12:20 to hear his story..

In brief, he attributed the failure of the merger to the veto held by Wali Khans wife, Nasim Wali, the most powerful female politician in the province. The party's alliance with the PPP eventually ruptured as well and Nasim Wali Khan was to lead the party into an alliance with their old rivals the Pakistan Muslim League and the ISI backed IJI. This led to many rebelling from the party in disgust and the end of any claim to national politics. One activist at the time bitterly commented at the time how he could not understand how 'we could sit in alliance with those we had only recently been cursing '.

Married to the redshirts
' Da zalmo Na Pora Na shwa
Fakhre-Afghana Jeenakai ba de Gatee'

Translation: if the youth are not enough, 

the women who are the pride of the Afghans 

will carry the day.

The daughter of Amir Hoti, a Khudai Khidmatgars ( also known as red shirts ) and close associate of Bacha Khan. In 1954, she married Wali Khan, Bacha Khans son and political heir, whose first wife tragically died five years prior. Her early years gave little sign of her future political career till 1975, when Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto arrested her husband and banned the opposition of National Awami Party. Her husband facing treason charges under the Hyderabad Tribunal, step son in jail and with many NAP leaders in exile or arrested, Nasim Wali was left to champion their cause.

Resurrecting her husbands party under the new name of the National Democratic Party, the party recruited Sardar Sherbaz Mazari to formally lead the party. She campaigned nationally, her emotional speeches against Zulfiqar Bhutto started to attract large crowds. At this crucial time, in what would be a forerunner of her political pragmatism, she joined an alliance of religo-political partys united under the Pakistan National Alliance. Making history she won her seat in the 1977 election,  amidst widespread allegations of rigging. I protest against the allegations, she sided with an opposition protest against the government. Here at a crucal moment when the government was willing to call new elections she hesitated. Some allege she delayed an agreement after receiving assurances from the military and others say it was because of a lack of trust in Bhutto.  Whatever the reason the Military soon took over in 1977 and in an attempt to appease the opposition released her husband and many of the others in prison.

The politics of power

The second phase of her career started in the mid 1980's as the military began to withdraw from government (if not power) and the ANP was formed. By 1989, the party had split with a breakaway faction, first called the Qaumi Inqilabi Party and later Pakhtunkhwa Qaumi Party siding with the PPP. This was followed by Wali Khan, her husbands, defeat in the 1990 elections after which he retired from politics. 

She however won her own seat and took over as Provincial head of the party.

Her politics was one of political success, she achieved the distinction of the first woman elected he provincial asseembly. She led the party to repeated personal and provincial electoral success.  She reconciled with the military establishment and ruthlessly marginalised opponents including Wali Khans close friend and party ideologue Ajmal Khattak.

More importantly she articulated a new vision of Pashtun nationalism radically different from the regional appeal of Bacha Khan or from her husbands claim for national power within Pakistan. It was now  politics within a province defined by the renaming of the province to Pakhtunkhwa and stopping Kalabagh dam. She articulated this in an interview where she said 'I want an identity [. . .] I want a name change so that the Pakhtuns may be identified on the map of Pakistan '

Within the party by contrast, her politics were defined by the concentration of power in her own family of the Hoti tribe of Mardan. The patronising of the new Pashtun business class helped finance her party and her reconciliation with former ideological rivals the Pakistan Muslim League helped access the tools of state patronage.

A family of politics

Within the family, her daughter became the first female surgeon in the province, her brother was elected MNA and went on in 1997 to become Federal Minister for communication. On the other the ruthlessness extended in other ways when she sidelined her step son Asfandyar Wali, while aggressively promoting her brother Azam Khan Hoti. One report alleged Wali Khan had to intervene at one stage to ensure Asfandyar was allocated a party ticket.


What goes around

Things had turned full circle by 1999, the ANP-PML alliance had ended acrimoniously over renaming the province. Her brother was arrested on charges of corruption by the new Musharraf government. This was in turn followed the ANPs rout in the 2002 elections at the hands of the relio-political alliance. Nasim Wali Khan was decisively defeated in her home town. Finally this was followed by a split between her and Asfandyar Wali Khan, in which her brother sided with Asfandyar against her. This ultimately led to her ouster as party provincial president.

Withdrawing from active politics she also faced personal tragedy,  the death of her husband and the tragic death of her son Sangeen Wali. Ignored following the party 2008 election victory, she for some unknown reason decided to apply for one of the senate seats. Sitting on the board deciding her application were some of the people she had purged from the party twenty three years earlier.

Perhaps, the ruthlessness shown in rejecting her application reflects another change in the party she had nurtured for so long. The Awami National Party may have rejected her in the final calculation but they accepted the politics of power as her legacy.


References

 1: Nasim Wali: Victim of Cruel power politics   <http://www.dawn.com/2012/02/13/nasim-wali-victim-of-cruel-power-politics-2.html> http://www.dawn.com/2012/02/13/nasim-wali-victim-of-cruel-power-politics-2.html
 2: Interview with Ajmal Khattak   <http://www.khyber.org/interviews/ajmalkhattak.shtml> http://www.khyber.org/interviews/ajmalkhattak.shtml

Arbab Sikander : A life uncommon

First published in the news on Sunday 15 May 2010

 A life uncommon

The martyrdom of Arbab Sahib was apparently for the reason that he was not letting extremist groups enter into local mosques

By Arbab Daud

"Let me Die with honour," said Arbab Saaadat Ali Khan, a great Red Shirt leader, as he was offered medicine by an English Jailor at Hari Pur Prison in 1932.

A careful read of the words of Arbab Saadat Ali Khan, would give a lucid view of the family background of the Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil (Arbab Sahib), who proudly inherited valor, defiance and straightforwardness from his great and revolutionary father.

Arbab Sahib, interestingly, was born on the same day when Haji Fazl-e-Wahid aka Haji Sahib Turangzai placed the foundation stone of Mosque of Islamia College Peshawar back in 1913. To Arbab Sahib, his father bequeathed the responsibility of playing a vital role in emancipating the nation from the colonial rule and like father the great son shouldered the responsibility diligently and unflinchingly to a conclusion, which seemed a vague dream to the hoi polloi until the last moment of its becoming a reality.

Arbab Sahib’s education process stopped as his father died in jail and he was imprisoned for two times at the age of 19 years within the same year of father’s death, for the only reason that his father was a revolutionary. His professional degree of LLB later came from famous Aligarh Muslim University of India in 1947.

As a Lawyer, Arbab Sahib started his practice immediately after the partition in 1947. In post-partition events the office of a renowned Hindu legal professional Mela Ram Advocate was allotted to Arbab Sahib by the evacuee trust. Arbab Sahib was a great civil lawyer and his practice was mostly based on humanitarian grounds than the commercial mindset.

As a Politician, Arbab Sahib started his career under the mentorship of Arbab Abdul Ghafoor Khan (AAGK), a first cousin of Arbab Sahib. The difference of Arbabs with Khudai Khidmatgaar movement arose when the stepdaughter of Doctor Khan Sahib married a non-Muslim. AAGK demanded from Doctor Khan Sahib to disown his stepdaughter publicly for this shameful act. Doctor Khan Sahib didn’t accept the suggestion and resultantly the Arbab family left the movement to join the Muslim League.

Another major reason for joining the Muslim League was that, Arbab Sahib and AAGK both were of the opinion that after the 1940’s Pakistan Resolution in Lahore, a united India in post-British scenario was like writing on the wall, hence they supported the idea of partition rather than simply following whatever the All India Congress dictated.

After Pakistan came into being, some vested interests hijacked Quaid-e-Azam MA Jinnah from the rest of Muslim League. For personal gains these vested interests curried the favour from MA Jinnah, who seemingly had a great love for the worldly vanities, through sugar-coated lip service.

Abdul Qayum Khan came to the power in NWFP through the same hypocrisy and nepotism. Appointment of Abdul Qayum Khan and other such acts of Jinnah disheartened the Arbabs and they had no other way out but to group with likeminded political activists to make Awami Muslim League at the outset and later convert its name to Awami League.

The dirty episode of the forceful capture of Suez Canal by the British Empire was fully supported by HS Soharwardy, who also pushed the country into deep-waters with his notorious one-unit formula, and that is where Arbab Sahib et al parted ways with Awami League. Arbab Sahib joined hands with other nationalists to make Pakistan National Party (PNP) in West Pakistan and the PNP was later joined by Gantantari Dal of East Pakistan, in 1950s, to shape up the National Awami Party (NAP).

In early 1960s Ayub Khan, the then dictator, was infuriated by NAP’s demand of abolishing the one-unit and restoration of 4 provinces of West Pakistan. As a result Arbab Sahib along with other 13 people from NWFP were arrested and tried by special military courts. They were all sentenced for 10 to 14 years of rigorous imprisonment, lashes, heavy fines and confiscation of movable and immovable properties.

Arbab Sahib also tried his level best to make a settlement between West and East Pakistan during the tense times and travelled several times to East Pakistan to meet Sheikh Mujeed ur Rehman, however the conniving of Punjabi intelligentsia, the anger of Pakistani military and power hunger of Bhutto caused the fall of Dacca and partition of Pakistan in December 1971. "The Pakistan of Jinnah is reduced to the Pakistan of Punjab" was the remarks of Arbab Sahib after the partition of Pakistan.

Arbab Sahib was always against the lines and borders dividing the Pukhtoons residing inside Pakistan. He vigorously fought for unification of Princely states of Dir, Chitral and Swat into NWFP. The dream of Arbab Sahib became reality during his lifetime and he himself actively participated in the amalgamation process of the aforementioned princely states in the NWFP.

When Arbab Sahib took oath as a Governor of NWFP in 1972, he ordered a water supply scheme for southern districts, ensured regular supply of food and common use items to Chitral district and started projects on roads, and small dams in northern areas of the province. Arbab Sahib also played an important role in finalizing the Simla Agreement between India and Pakistan and as a result almost 90,000 prisoners of war were released by India.

ZA Bhutto’s undemocratic dismissal of the government of Attaullah Mengal in Balochistan was the major cause Arbab Sahib’s resign from the governorship. Thereupon NAP along with other political parties formed United Democratic Front (UDF) against the government of PPP. The far-famed Liaqat Bagh incident also happened under the auspices of UDF. Arbab Sahib and the leadership of NAP was later imprisoned by ZA Bhutto through a frivolous and cooked up case named as "Hyderabad Conspiracy."

Despite all the differences with PPP government and being a member of UDF, the leadership of NAP keenly participated in the constitution making process in 1973. People regard ZA Bhutto as the one who gave Pakistan a proper Constitution; however, a major part of this credit goes to NAP and JUI leadership, because if these two parties had boycotted the procession in National Assembly, Baluchistan and NWFP, the numbers would have annulled the legal charter of the constitution.

Another aspect of the life of Arbab Sahib was his writing extraordinaire. Arbab Sahib never wrote any major published material until he met Hussain Bukhsh Kausar from Peshawar during his long imprisonment in the Ayub Khan era. Kausar Sahib was impressive in his knowledge regarding ‘Philosophy’ and that is why three out of the six books of Arbab Sahib focused on the same topic namely "Zara Falsafa (Conventional Philosophy)," "Nawey Falsafa (Modern Philosophical Thought)," and "Zhawar Fiqroona (Deep Thoughts)." In addition, Arbab Sahib wrote books like "Guloona ao Azghi (Flowers and Thorns)" about literature and fiction and "Da Eqtisadiato Khulase (Summary of Economic thoughts)" in Pashto language while his unpublished book in English language "The Other Side of the Picture" provides a critical analysis of the Pakistan Movement, its leadership and the subsequent development in Pakistan till 1977.

The martyrdom of Arbab Sahib on March 7, 1982 was apparently for the reason that he was not letting the Islamic extremist groups enter into the local mosques. It would, however, not be just to link his assassination to just a petty cause of mosques and jihadist groups. In actual, numerous national and international forces never wanted progressive and thinking minds in the area to influence the common people and stop the process of using Pakhtuns to kill Pakhtuns. On the year of Arbab Sahib’s martyrdom the "Human Rights Society of Pakistan" awarded a Peace Prize to Arbab Sahib.

Whether it is by a mere happenstance or by design, Pakhtun progressive minds and thinkers are once again feeling the lingering sword of death over their heads. This situation reminds of William Shakespeare’s Hamlet, especially when he says "…To sleep: perchance to dream: ay, there’s the rub; For in that sleep of death what dreams may come…" and we truly have to move ourselves out of this downward spiral of never ending abyss and timely save our great minds from that dream-less sleep of Death.

May Allah Help us!

QK Archives: Taj Building in Nowshera is a case of weak and seriously flawed heritage legislation in NWFP

Taj Building in Nowshera is a case of weak and seriously flawed heritage legislation in NWFP 

By Dr Ali Jan 

First published 30th March 2008 by Footloose The News on Sunday 

 Taj Building is an architectural jewel on the main Grand Trunk Road in Nowshera, NWFP. Built in 1920s, this imposing structure has endured the ravages of time despite lack of any concerted attempts in the past to preserve it. The facade of the three-storey building is highly decorated with floral and vine patterns in intricate stucco. The sweeping round arches and numerous embellished columns represent a charming architectural blend of Roman, Gothic and Oriental. An arched gateway on the side of the building with beautiful jharoka-styled (elevated window balcony) features leads into the main compound. The wooden balconies at the back are also very attractive. The building was constructed by Khan Bahadur Taj Muhammad Khan OBE MLC of Badrashi Village, Nowshera. He was a famous colonial-era contractor and landlord whose father KB Abdul Hamid Khan had been in the service of the British Empire as well. He was a wealthy man and was particularly fond of racehorses. He used to travel extensively in India and had built several grand mansions for his own comfort. The present National Defence College building in New Delhi, India was also his personal mansion. (See: National Defence College, New Delhi, India) 

Besides this he had also built a residence in Lahore ('Rose Palace') which was recently pulled down. His other garden palace at Village Badrashi in Nowshera spreads over several acres. Khan Bahadur sahib's son Taj ul Mulk who is a businessman by profession was previously settled in Lahore. He got the custody of the Taj Building and has recently moved to Nowshera. In his absence a court case with the shopkeepers lingered on for many decades which was finally decided in his favour a couple of years ago. The present owner is a soft-spoken gentleman and a genial host. His ancestral mansion in Nowshera is a living museum containing a range of artifacts such as Persian carpets, furniture, cutlery, arms, animal trophy-heads and so on. Mr Taj ul Mulk has a huge collection of old photos as well. A signed framed photo of the family of the famous Field Marshall 'Alexander of Tunis' who had once been a brigade commander of the Nowshera Garrison in 1925 stands on a mantelpiece. He possesses several testimonials by other important British military and civil administrators given to his ancestors. The house is maintained in its original form. It reflects the fine taste of the owner and his commendable esteem for an inheritance which he is determined to preserve. He realises that protecting the Taj Building is also essential as it is national heritage and also a living monument to his father and grandfather. 

However, he has apprehensions that once the government officially declares it as a 'protected heritage monument' then he might not have the liberty to make alterations in the building like he wishes whilst preserving the facade. Moreover, he fears that even if the government gets it notified it will not be able to sanction enough amount for its conservation which the building deserves. According to his estimate it requires at least five million rupees (which he can personally afford in his own capacity), whereas the government is willing to sanction only a limited sum from its 'modest' fund. He reiterates that the building is his bread and butter and therefore he would like to benefit from it commercially whilst preserving it. Presently, the building's facade is marred by unattractive advertisement billboards and electricity wires. The wooden windows are in a dilapidated state and in many places the ornate stucco work has crumbled. Fortunately, there is no structural damage to the building hence it shouldn't be impossible to restore it back to its original form once the badly needed restoration work begins. 

The building stands on prime commercial land which is worth a hefty sum in the market. The lower storey is occupied by several shops and a bank. In addition, a movie theatre is also being run inside. The building mafia in connivance with the concerned authorities are the biggest threat to this country's heritage. Generally speaking, enforcement of heritage legislation is weak and in case of NWFP it is seriously flawed. The Taj building is a case in point. The Taj Building was notified on Sep 26, 2007 by the NWFP Directorate Archaeology under the so-called Antiquities Act 1997. It was done so as per the directive of former governor Lt Gen (R) Ali Mohammad Jan Orakzai -- a thorough gentleman and a real 'Frontiersman' administrator who took pride in our history and therefore believed in preserving heritage. For the record, it is one out of only two buildings (built monuments, as opposed to archaeological sites) notified by the NWFP Archaeology Department in the entire province! Sethi house in Peshawar is the other. Previously, the building was notified as a protected monument under Federal Antiquities Act of 1975. However, it was de-notified by a special order of the DG Federal Archaeology within a short span. Many argue that it was inherently a wrong precedent with chances of potential misuse, but in this case it was done after receiving firm assurances by the owner to preserve it. 

 In general, the ongoing federal-provincial tussle over ownership of heritage places in NWFP has created needless bureaucratic confusion and not done any good to the cause of heritage preservation. In the last decade, many important buildings have been demolished and ancient sites have been robbed of their wealth or fallen pray to gross neglect. The source of the conflict is a farcical Provincial Antiquity Act 1997 which is a duplicate copy of the Federal Antiquity Act 1975. Although, there have been attempts at reconciliation in the past between the centre and the province but this matter has remained inconclusive. Even though, archaeology is on the concurrent list and both federal and provincial governments retain the right to enact legislation for promotion and preservation of archaeology, but under the Constitution of Pakistan repugnant or conflicting laws by provinces have slender legal basis. Law experts argue that if any parallel law exists, the Federal law will prevail and provincial law shall be deemed to have been amended to that extent. The only way to resolve this impasse conclusively is that the provincial act must be entirely withdrawn and repealed. It can be achieved if personal egos of individuals are set aside in the interest of saving the historic wealth of the province. A new provincial act or ordinance must be introduced from scratch. It ought to be tailored to the specific needs of NWFP and keeping in view its unique cultural and archaeological wealth. There is hardly any reason for adopting the federal act verbatim which in spite of its strengths carries some gross loopholes. For instance, it has a narrow scope with a mainly archaeological bent and is inherently restricted by rigid definitions. 

Technically speaking, 'ancient' in the act is described as anything older than 75 years. Many significant contemporary buildings are left out due to this limitation. A case in point is the British-era Falak Sair (Lansdowne) Cinema in Peshawar. It was a notified national monument under the Federal Act which was brazenly demolished last year. On being challenged in court the owners produced a document (courtesy ill-famed Cantt Board) stating it was 74 years old and not 75! The court case is ongoing. Other criticism of the federal act is that the penalties for violators are too light e.g. fines of Rs 5000. On the other hand, the Punjab and Sindh provinces enacted their own heritage legislation in 1985 and 1994 respectively. A lot of research, planning, brainpower and groundwork went in their formulation. Various laws in different countries were studied as models. Resultantly, their laws are much evolved and more refined compared to the Federal Act 1975, which is very basic in its existing form and incidentally needs revision too.

 Sindh Cultural Heritage (Preservation) Act 1994 (revised 2002) is a broad ranging act not restricted to the field of archaeology alone. It gives proper legal cover to protect "ancient places and objects of architectural, historical, archaeological, artistic, ethnological, anthropological and national interest of the province". It stipulates constitution of broad based advisory committees comprising conservators, architects, historians, scholars of traditional arts/crafts and civil society members. The Sindh Building Control Ordinance 1979 has a chapter dealing specifically with urban heritage. It deals with declaring such places on basis of "association with significant persons or events in the history of the province... Those embodying distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of construction" and so on. The penalties are sterner with heavier fines and possible imprisonments for severe violators. Under these rules, private owners of notified structures are encouraged to preserve their property by grants, easy loans, tax rebates and so on. Respective owners are required to get mandatory NOCs from relevant authority such as culture or archaeology departments for approving any alteration or demolition plans. Moreover, it allows owners of heritage properties to sign preservation agreements with the government. If the owner fails to comply with the order of the government and advisory committee the government can intervene and any expenses incurred for the purpose are recoverable from the owner as arrears of land revenue. Through mere notifications the owner's right to alter or deface protected heritage may be restricted at the least. 

In exceptional cases, government may decide to acquire a private property (as was done in NWFP Sethi house, Peshawar -- another case in point) under respective Land Acquisition Act. In the proposed NWFP legislation, all above aspects need to be addressed by the new government. The draft must define a structure for a single heritage authority and lay down rules about ownership of sites to avoid bureaucratic red tape from a holistic preservation point of view. In NWFP, like elsewhere, some of the most important historic buildings are under military control (Ministry of Defence, Federal Govt) such as old forts, messes and piquets. Old institutes like Islamia College comes under education department. Cathedrals, Churches and English cemeteries are looked after by respective dominions (Ministry of Minority Affairs) and shrines and mosques e.g Masjid Mahabat Khan come under Auqaf Department. All these need to be brought under one heritage umbrella at provincial level. In addition, a 'Special Premises Act' is badly needed to apply to such places as certain zones in the walled city of Peshawar. A gradation system for notified structures may be devised. For instance in category A. Restrict the owner's right to alter or deface protected heritage B. Restoration with owner's (partial/full) involvement C. Acquiring a property by government (in exceptional cases) and so on. 

Thanks to the concerted efforts of various civil society organisations such as Sarhad Conservation Network and Frontier Heritage Trust etc, the NWFP government has in recent months recognised the importance of preserving our rich heritage. An ambitious plan of 'Documentation/Preservation and Rehabilitation of National Heritage Buildings in NWFP' is underway. For now, a sum of ten crore rupees have been sanctioned and five districts (Peshawar, Mardan, Bannu, DI Khan, Hazara) have been selected for implementation of this plan. One hopes that the government would plan this task on a sound foundation and grant legal protection to these buildings as well by way of the proposed new legislation as an essential step. Moreover, involvement of all stakeholders, local experts, civil society and media is necessary to build a wider base of support. Concerns of private owners must be addressed. Additionally, the structure of the proposed 'Heritage Board/Authority' needs to be institutionalised and broadened so that it does not become like any other solely government-run (futile) body. 

Only after streamlining the rules, long-term guidelines and adopting proper procedures could there be any real hope of priceless buildings like the Taj being preserved in the province.

QK archives: The Saifullahs

By Rahimullah Yusufzai
May 2016 NEWSLINE
The Saifullahs set a record of sorts recently when it was revealed in the leaked Panama Papers that the family owned as many as 34 offshore companies. It was, by far, the highest number of offshore companies run by any Pakistani family.
The revelation aroused curiosity about the Saifullahs — a family most Pakistanis are familiar with due to its traditionally active role in the country’s politics and business. In fact, now people want to know more about the Saifullahs and the way they made their money and gained prominence in the world of business and politics.
Following the Panama Papers leak, the focus of attention has been Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his children, but there is also growing interest in the Saifullahs for having managed all this in total secrecy, without anyone getting to know about it.
As revealed by the Panama Papers, the offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands and Seychelles are owned by Senator Osman Saifullah Khan, who belongs to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and his family members. The companies maintained bank accounts in Hong Kong, Singapore and Ireland and owned property in the United Kingdom. Of particular interest was the fact that Senator Osman Saifullah is a member of the Tax Reforms Commission set up by the government to check leakage of revenue, broaden the base of revenue collection and improve tax administration.
The family’s patriarch, Barrister Saifullah Khan, died in 1964 at the age of 49 after having founded a business group. Hailing from the southern Lakki Marwat district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), the highly educated lawyer and entrepreneur married Kulsum Saifullah Khan, the sister of the late politicians, Aslam Khattak and Yousaf Khattak and soldier-turned-industrialist Lt. Gen. Habibullah Khan, belonging to Karak district. Widowed at the age of 40, Kulsum Saifullah raised her five sons and guided them in politics and business. Her death on January 26, 2015 at the age of 91 brought this era to an end.
The family’s business empire is known as the Saif Group of Companies. It expanded from food and flour mills to textile, power generation, oil and gas exploration, real estate development, healthcare, environmental technology, telecommunications and information technology. Its growth and diversification has been phenomenal.
TEN-Salim-Saifullah-NEWThe new generation of the family has followed in the footsteps of the five Saifullah brothers, who demarcated their responsibilities with two opting to do business and three to enter politics. Humayun Saifullah, Anwar Saifullah and Salim Saifullah are well known politicians. All of them have won elections and served as ministers. Humayun Saifullah remained a provincial minister in the 1970s, while Anwar Saifullah and Salim Saifullah also served as federal ministers. Anwar Saifullah and Salim Saifullah aspired to become either the governor or chief minister of their native province, but success eluded them due to a host of factors.
The two remaining brothers, Javed Saifullah and Dr. Iqbal Saifullah, stayed away from politics. Javed Saifullah managed the family’s business and
industrial activities, while Iqbal Saifullah, who is a cardiologist, established a hospital focusing primarily on cardiac care in Islamabad. However, Javed Saifullah’s son, Jehangir Saifullah, entered politics a few years ago by joining the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).
Jehangir Saifullah also manages some of the family’s business activities. His first foray into politics proved to be a setback when the PTI chapter in Lakki Marwat opposed the party’s decision to give him a ticket to contest the by-election for a National Assembly constituency, NA-27. The PTI ticket was eventually given to Colonel (retd.) Dr. Amirullah Marwat, who won the seat, but his victory was made possible due to the support of the influential Saifullah family.
The Saifullahs have gravitated from one political party to another. Originally Muslim Leaguers, its family members have, at times, been associated with the erstwhile National Awami Party (NAP), PPP, PML-Q, PML-N and PTI, at various points in time. Kulsum Saifullah had started her political career from the platform of NAP and was elected member of the provincial assembly on its ticket in the 1970 general elections. However, she switched sides and joined her elder brother Aslam Khattak’s independent group to form the provincial government at the expense of NAP. The leadership of NAP, which was later banned but re-emerged as the Awami National Party (ANP), never forgave Kulsum Saifullah and her family for the disloyalty.
The rift between the Saifullahs and the family of ANP head, Khan Abdul Wali Khan widened over the years when the Saifullah brothers opposed renaming the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and supported the construction of the controversial Kalabagh Dam. The Walis and their party, ANP, took a divergent stand on the two issues and their differences with the Saifullahs became unbridgeable.
osman-saifullahIn keeping with its tradition, the Saifullah family is presently affiliated to three political parties — PPP, PML-N and PTI. Anwar Saifullah Khan, the bureaucrat-turned-politician, is a leader of the PPP. His son, Senator Osman Saifullah, is also with the PPP. Salim Saifullah is now associated with the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), after having spent some time in the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-i-Azam (PML-Q). The eldest brother, Humayun Saifullah, was also affiliated with the PML-Q earlier and was elected on its ticket to the National Assembly from Lakki Marwat. As mentioned earlier, the young Jehangir Saifullah is associated with the PTI.
The affiliation of assorted members of the family with the PPP, PML-N and PTI ensures that the Saifullahs are represented in the government if any of these three parties are in power (which they invariably are). This is unprincipled politics but the Saifullahs continue to practice it and manage to befriend even those who, at times, are their strongest critics. The closed doors of political parties are opened when the Saifullahs decide to join because they have the requisite wealth and vote bank to win elections.
Though they lost badly in the 2013 general elections from Lakki Marwat, the family bounced back by joining hands with the PTI to inflict defeat on their nemesis, the JUI-F of Maulana Fazlur Rahman.
The Saifullahs, who have denied any wrong-doing, are now facing a challenge to their power and prestige due to the Panama Papers leaks. However, they aren’t alone in this difficult situation. The Saifullahs and other Pakistanis, named as owners of offshore companies in the Panama Leaks, are most likely to get a respite due to the ongoing dispute over the formation of the judicial commission and its terms of reference, and the fact that investigations could take a long time. Finding them guilty and holding them and the others accountable will neither be easy nor quick.
This article was first published in Newsline’s May 2016 issue.

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Rahimullah Yusufzai is a Peshawar-based senior journalist who covers events in the NWFP, FATA, Balochistan and Afghanistan. His work appears in the Pakistani and international media. He has also contributed chapters to books on the region.

Description:German Activities in the North-West Frontier Province War Years 1914-1945

By Syed Wiqar Shah


German Activities in the North-West Frontier Province War Years 1914-1945 The region designated by the British Colonial rulers as the North-West Frontier Province of India has always played a significant role in the making of Indian history owing to its crucial geopolitical location. Once a passage of invaders, this land of the Pashtoons remained a subject of special interest and importance for historians, travelers, politicians, military-men and administrators in the past. It is still a rich field for research to anthropologists, sociologists, historians and political scientists. During my research on the socio-political history of the NWFP I found serious gaps in the earlier writings on the area, particularly on the tribal territories which remained the Frontier of British Empire during the first half of the Twentieth century. In August 1914, World War 1, broke out. Three months later, in November, Turkey declared its support for -Germany against the British and also joined it. Long before the outbreak of the War, the military thinkers in Germany realized that in the event of war, India would be the largest reservoir of manpower in the British Empire. Would it not somehow be possible to prevent the departure of British and Indian troops from India to the actual theatre of war. The influential military writer General Friedrich von Bernhardi spoke in his book
Germany and the Next War
(1911) of the necessity for close co-operation between Germany and the Indian revolutionaries against Britain and expressed the hope that Hindus and Muslims a] alike might collaborate to unseat the Raj. While not able to gain Persia as an ally, owing to the strong British and Russian presence, the German General Staff nevertheless quickly appreciated the strategic

importance of Afghanistan as a buffer state dividing the British and Russian sphere of influence in Central Asia. Two expeditions to Kabul were simultaneously organised in 1915 (which later on was joined together as bothwere serving the same cause) with the support of the Turkish ally and by the German High Command and the Foreign Office's Special Information Bureau for Oriental Affairs (Nachrichtenstelle fur den orient). intensifying its pan-Islamic propaganda, Germany and Turkey jointly sent this Turko-German Mission to Afghanistan, which reached Kabul, the Afghan capital, in mid-October 1915. The Mission was headed by Dr. Werner Otto von Hentig, a young diplomat, who entered German diplomatic service in 191 1. When War broke out in 1914, he was on the staff of the German Legation at Teheran. He was sent to join his regiment and fought on the Russian front. In March he was recalled to Berlin from military service and instructed to take charge of the diplomatic mission which was to proceed to Kabul and bring about the conclusion of a German-Afghan Alliance. It had allegedly brought messages from the Turkish Sultan and the Kaiser of Germany. The mission had two obvious objectives: military and the political. The military objective was to induce the Afghan ruler Amir Habibullah Khan to join the Central Powers in the War or at least to mobilize the Pashtoon tribesmen, the largest potential of guerrilla fighters in the world, in order to tie up the substantial numbers of British and Russian forces in the area. The political aim in support of this strategic objective was to direct from Afghanistan disruptive anti-British and pan-Islamic propaganda into India and to help foment local disorder and sedition among Indian troops. The situation at Kabul was in their favour. The pro-Turkish 'War Party', led by Sardar Nasrullah Khan, the younger brother of the Amir, had lent their full-fledge support to the Mission members. They were also joined by an influential section of the Afghan intellectuals led by Mahmud Tarzi and his son-in-law, Amanullah Khan, the young and energetic anti-British prince. Moreover, a large number of Pashtoon tribes and a considerable number of religious elements in the country also promised their support to the Turkish cause. The Amir, however, assured the British government time and again that he would remain neutral. The Amir, largely depending on British subsidies, was in no way prepared to annoy the British at any cost. On 6 July 1915 he was informed by the Viceroy of India of a number of hostile groups who had escaped from the Russian territory and were moving in small armed positions eastwards obviously trying their way to enter Afghanistan. The total strength of these parties, according to the same source were 26 Germans and Austrians, 43 Turks and Armenians, 23 Indians and 87 Persians; altogether 179 men armed with rifles and with two machine guns. He suggested to the Amir that these parties 'should at once be arrested, disarmed and interned, pending the

conclusion of war'. The Amir promptly replied that' Your Excellency need have no anxiety about the movements of those parties, ..., they will be disarmed at once. I assure your Excellency and the Great British Government of the neutrality of Afghanistan during the present war'. He also informed the Viceroy that he always preferred British friendship and they must trust him. On the other hand, the Amir professed his devotion to the -Turkish cause, with the understanding, that the call for holy war was not yet vaild for him because the world war had not been waged in Afghanistan. The members of Turko-German Mission, however, sensed the Amir's duplicity. Realising about the failure of their Mission they left Kabul on 22 May 1961 without accomplishing their assigned task. Von Hentig returned to Europe via the Hindu Kush, the Pamirs, Turkestan, Kashghar, China and the USA. The Amir was praised by the Viceroy for his part which he played during the stay of the Mission members at Kabul. In lieu of his services he was sent a signed letter by the King-Emperor and his annual subsidy was raised by two lakhs rupees a year. However, the Mission members succeeded in establishing a centre for the anti
-
British activities in Bagh (Tirah), in the tribal belt. In June 1916 two Turkish emissaries arrived Tirah; one was Khired Bey, a staff colonel of the Turkish army and the other Mohammad Abid (alias Abidin), an Arab, a former employee of the Turks as a drill' instructor at Kabul. Mir Mast, a local Afridi Pashtoon, an ex

Jamadar of the British Indian army, who had deserted in France accompanied the Turko-German Mission. He was already busy in propaganda against the British in Tirah. The 'uneasy feelings' in the tribal areas as a result of the intrigues' of the Turko-German Mission were further intensified by Mir Mast's activities in the Khyber. On their arrival in Tirah, the emissaries were welcomed by Mast. They delivered anti-British speeches and unfurled a flag, allegedly blessed and sent by the Turkish Sultan. By the middle of 1916 a large number of the Pashtoon soldiers, mainly deserters from the British Indian army had swelled the ranks of the Turkish emissaries. They started recruitment of the locals as well. By July 1916 the total number of Afridi recruits enlisted in the Turkish an-army was reported to have reached about four hundred. In August, Mahendra Pratap came to Tirah, bringing money from Nasrullah for distribution among the local
mullahs.
As a result of the growing popularity of the Sultan's army in Tirah, Sir George Roos-Keppel, then Chief Commissioner NVVFP, found the tribes being virtually divided into two camps: anti British and pro-British. The former

consisted of deserters and discharged soldiers from the Indian army and other pro-Afghan elements, while the latter was composed mainly of Maliks and elders who were in favour of maintaining friendly relations with the British in lieu of their allowances and other emoluments from the British Indian government. Roos Keppel believed that the Turkish agents were responsible for creating the troubles in the tribal belt, but he could not ask the Government to take any stern action against them lest he feared aggravation in the already tense situation. The pro-British elements came to government's rescue. They told the Turks that unless they saw the combined armies of Afghanistan, Gen-Germany and Turkey with their own eyes on the Indian frontiers the Afridis would never create any trouble against the British in the tribal territories. The Turks were further asked not to expect any help from the tribesmen unless the Amir of Afghanistan declared
Jihad
and himself led the Afghan an-army against the British. Moreover, they demanded very large quantities of arms, ammunition and ii-money to be provided to the Afridis. In addition, the British government following its traditional policy of winning a section of influential mullahs to their side, succeeded in checking the pi-o-British propaganda in the tribal area. Eventually, in September 1916, the pro-British faction succeeded in driving away the Turkish emissaries from Tirah to Raj gal near the Afghan border. They remained there for about six months. In March 1917, one Malik Zaman Khan, an influential pro-British Afridi elder led a four hundred strong lashkar (a tribal force), attacked the Turkish emissaries, killed their contacts in the tribal belt and succeeded in ousting them from the tribal area. In June 1917 the Turkish agents crossed over to Afghanistan, Thus failing in their mission to stir a tribal rising against the British during the war period. In order to check influence of British
imperialism in
Afghanistan, during the third and, fourth decades of the twentieth century, German government continued its efforts to establish close ties with the Afghan government. Amanullah Khan, the revolutionary Young Amir of Afghanistan found in Gen-Germany a close and trusted ally of Afghanistan who was ready to invest in Afghanistan without even thinking for a while on commercial basis. In November 1937, Lufthansa German Airlines established a route between Berlin and Kabul via Tirana, Athens, Rhodes, Damascus, Baghdad and Tehran. It was more apolitical than an economic step on the part of the German authorities. This was taken as Nazi Germany's conceited drive to penetrate the Middle East politically, culturally and economically. It was followed by a flow of technical advisers and financial assistance. According to Ernest Fox, an Al-American geologist who then worked in Afghanistan, 'One met German salesmen in Kabul, and German high-way engineers in fl-the field. Gen-man steel was going into the new bridges on the high-ways. The Deutsche Lufthansa Co. was the only commercial airline [that] landed on the Kabul airport' By 1939, V. Gregorian pointed out, there were between 100 and 300 German

Experts and technicians in Afghanistan, majority of them engineers working at road-building projects, hydroelectric plants and factories. At various other departments and institutions, including Post, telegraph, telephone, Police department,
army and commercial Projects, the presence of Germans was felt. Eventually in August 1939 Germany signed an extensive financial and commercial agreement with Afghanistan She was given long-term credits for the purchase Of German machinery and in return agreed to repay all advances over a ten years period by furnishing cotton to Germany. The Afghan ruling elite and intelligentsia, always apprehensive of colonialism, considered in it as a means of industrialization and modernization of the Afghan economy. Both Britain and the Soviet Union, two powerful neighbours of Afghanistan were highly apprehensive of the German interest/advances in Afghanistan and were waiting for a favorable opportunity to stop the penetration of Germany into Afghanistan furthermore. Germany, however, on the contrary by supplying economic and technical assistance and helping the Afghans in their modest industrial undertakings, had hoped to secure the pro
-
German base there and forging a strong pro-Gen-man alliance against the British imperialism. On the outbreak of World War 11 there was a general fear in Afghanistan that its independence might be j jeopardized or the country might become a battleground of European diplomacy, even a theatre of war. The Afghan government, in order to safeguard the country's independence proclaimed its neutrality in September 1939- However, the p Afghan nationalists were not happy with the go government policy. They were advocating strong Support to the Axis Powers who had contributed in the present modernization of Afghanistan. During the war years (1939-1945) the Axis Powers tried their best to stir a tribal rising in the NWFP against the British. Their main purpose was to engage the British Indian army in the tribal belt to prevent Indian an-armed forces from being sent to the Mediterranean. After the war, as was revealed at the Nueremberg Trials, the Italians had planned, with the approval and full support of the Germans, to induce Mirza Ali Khan (Faqir of lpi), the legendary anti-British Pashtoon religious warrior, to carry pro-Axis propaganda and to create troubles in the NWFP. Indian Intelligence, suspecting that links between the Axis and the Faqir had existed for some time, first received concrete evidence in June 1941 after the arrest. of Mohammad Aslam, the interpreter at the Italian Legation in Kabul, when he visited his relatives near Quetta. Aslam claimed in his statement that several members of the Italian Legation had visited the Faqir between 1939 and 1941 and supplied him with money and weapons, including machine-guns and a wireless transmitting and receiving set. He also supplied the British with the


names of the Afghan officials and army officers co II collaborating with the Italians and with the Faqir, which were then used to bring more pressure to bear upon the Kabul government. This was also confirmed in an other way by Quaroni, the Italian Minister at Kabul. According to him the Faqir was visited during the war by the secretary of the Italian Legation, Enrico Anzilotti, who did so during June 1941. Anzi lotti, who set out on 12 June, was away unnoticed for 22 days, covering the distance partly by lorry but almost on foot. As he was wearing Pashtoon dress the Afghan police failed to apprehend him, which greatly upset them, for they offered, 150,000 Afghani for his capture. Anzilotti spent three days at Gorwekht and returned safely to Kabul. He reported that the Faqir was in principle ready to start action against the British on the Frontier, but required money, weapons and ammunition, (According to Quraoni, the holy man from Waziristan had a quite definite idea about his requirements which lie made known to the Axis Legations through his intermediaries in a form-n somewhat resembling a price list: 25,000 paid every other month to keep the pot boiling and to double the sum if tribal activities should be extended to other areas; in the event of general rising on the Frontier the price would have to be tripled, not counting supplies of weapons and ammunition which the Faqir also required urgently). He stipulated the terms of cash payments and wished to have a wireless transmitter with a trained operator. The Germans, too, wanted to establish a direct link with lpi. A few weeks after Anzilotti's return they sent to Gorwekht two of their agents with a small group of hired tribesmen. They never reached their destination, falling into a trap set tip by the Afghan government. On the night of 18/19th July 1941 , a party of two Germans Dr. Oberdoffer and Brandt, in disguise, accompanied by twelve Jajis were moving on Logar road carrying munitions, money and papers for the Faqir. Afghani troops chased them and fired near Pul Alam (Logar), while crossing to the tribal belt to meet the Faqir of lpi and hand him over arms including 7 machine guns, 70 bels of machine gun ammunition, 30 lakhs worth of Afghan notes, I 0 lakhs of Indian notes and gold coins, 4 pistols to each man, 12 different kinds of tribal dresses and some addresses of various anti

British agents in India. Dr. Oberdoffer died on the spot while Brandt was arrested in wounded condition. It was followed by a strong protest from German government. Hashim Khan, the Afghan Prime Minister conveyed his regrets to the German government, reiterating that they were acting on their traditional neutral policy in the present war. The Faqir of Ipi consented to the Axis proposal of establishing a radio transmitter station in the tribal belt to intensify the anti

British propaganda. However, the paucity of funds and the negative attitude of the Afghan authorities prevented @ii from-n doing the right soil' 'Of propaganda. In this regard, Quraoni, the Italian Minister at Kabul, had prepared a major plan for the popular rising in the tribal belt, later on to be extended to other parts of British India. The Italian

Government communicated this plan to the German high command. In the belief that Britain was about to succumb anyway, the Gel-mans shelved the project for the time being. In 1941 Dr. von Hentig, the newly appointed German Minister to Afghanistan, (who never occupied his new assignment because of the strong protest from British Indian Government) was instructed by Ribbentrop to contact the Frontier tribes and their nationalists leaders. The Nazis hoped from Afghan government for pen-mission to establish a shortwave radio transmitter in the Afghan-Indian border area, to allow inconspicuous German participation' in using the transmitter of Kabul radio and to tolerate a certain amount of smuggling of arms to the tribal territories to be used against the British Indian government but failed due to the negative attitude of the Afghan authorities. Both Britain and the Soviet Union were unhappy over the large presence of axis nationals in Kabul which also included about 80 German nationals (including women and children the total non
-
official Axis population in Afghanistan was over 200). On 9 October 194 1, the British Minister at Kabul met the Afghan authorities and demanded the expulsion of Axis nationals followed by a similar kind of demand presented by the Russian Ambassador at Kabul two days after. In less than a fortnight altogether 204 German and Italians nationals left Kabul for Peshawar in two batches, the first one on 29 October and the second on the following day, to proceed from there to Karachi and further via Iraq and Turkey to Axis controlled territory. There was a mixed reaction to the Allies demand: there was apprehension, bitterness and public outcry, resulting in reiterating the Afghan government's policy of observance of its strict neutrality. The Faqir of lpi, as reported by the Intelligence Diary dated 10 November 1941 is said to be very much displeased at the Afghan Government's decision in expelling the Germans and Italians, and is now spreading propaganda against the Yahya Khan regime among his followers in the Southern Province'. The next report of linkage between the German Legation at Kabul and the Faqir was given on 9 January 1943. The Deputy Director Intelligence, Peshawar reported that 'two Nazis recently visited Gorwekht bringing instructions and arms and ammunition for lpi from the Gen-man Legation in Kabul. Interestingly, on the British side of the Frontier, Sir George Cunningham, the NWFP Governor also tried to counter the German propaganda against the Allies. He won over the sympathies of some maulvis to British side who denounced Nazis and convinced the Pashtoons that British interests were identical with Islam. Initially, the attention of the pro govemment maulvis was

diverted towards the 'atheist Bolsheviks'. The Germans were denounced as the collaborators of the Russians. But with the Russian entry into the war on the Allied side, the situation changed. Cunningham was embarrassed when asked whether they really were helping their old enemies, the Russians. His reply was simple: that for the common purpose of the destruction of Nazism, they could co-operate with the Russians without accepting the ideas of communism or the Soviet system. The Frontier government succeeded in switching over the propaganda from the Bolsheviks to the Germans. For the remaining period during the war, however, the NWFP remained 'calm and peaceful'. The inhabitants of the province were not interested Perhaps in a distant theatre of war. The purpose of this research is to explore various policies of the Gen-man authorities towards the Pashtoon area, hitherto neglected by the scholars. This research will be addressing the complex issues of fomenting unrest in the NWFP by the Germans against the British through various strategies. How did Germans succeed in establishing their contacts in the NWFP? What was the local response to the German war propaganda? The German High Command did send its representatives to urge the rulers of Afghanistan to support the Central/Axis Powers during the Wars. How far did the Germans succeed in keeping this part of the world under their influence? what were its repercussions on the global politics? Did the Axis Powers succeed in winning over the Pashtoon tribes to their side? An answer to these and other related questions would be available after the completion of the present project., I would like to publish the findings thereafter to share them with scholars and general public who might have an abiding interest in that particular period and area. By: Dr. Syed Wiqar Ali Shah Quaid-e-Azam University